Skip to main content Skip to navigation


<?xml version="1.0"?>

<!DOCTYPE TEI.2 SYSTEM "base.dtd">





<publicationStmt><distributor>BASE and Oxford Text Archive</distributor>


<availability><p>The British Academic Spoken English (BASE) corpus was developed at the

Universities of Warwick and Reading, under the directorship of Hilary Nesi

(Centre for English Language Teacher Education, Warwick) and Paul Thompson

(Department of Applied Linguistics, Reading), with funding from BALEAP,

EURALEX, the British Academy and the Arts and Humanities Research Board. The

original recordings are held at the Universities of Warwick and Reading, and

at the Oxford Text Archive and may be consulted by bona fide researchers

upon written application to any of the holding bodies.

The BASE corpus is freely available to researchers who agree to the

following conditions:</p>

<p>1. The recordings and transcriptions should not be modified in any


<p>2. The recordings and transcriptions should be used for research purposes

only; they should not be reproduced in teaching materials</p>

<p>3. The recordings and transcriptions should not be reproduced in full for

a wider audience/readership, although researchers are free to quote short

passages of text (up to 200 running words from any given speech event)</p>

<p>4. The corpus developers should be informed of all presentations or

publications arising from analysis of the corpus</p><p>

Researchers should acknowledge their use of the corpus using the following

form of words:

The recordings and transcriptions used in this study come from the British

Academic Spoken English (BASE) corpus, which was developed at the

Universities of Warwick and Reading under the directorship of Hilary Nesi

(Warwick) and Paul Thompson (Reading). Corpus development was assisted by

funding from the Universities of Warwick and Reading, BALEAP, EURALEX, the

British Academy and the Arts and Humanities Research Board. </p></availability>




<recording dur="00:56:20" n="6634">


<respStmt><name>BASE team</name>



<langUsage><language id="en">English</language>



<person id="nm0050" role="main speaker" n="n" sex="m"><p>nm0050, main speaker, non-student, male</p></person>

<personGrp id="ss" role="audience" size="m"><p>ss, audience, medium group </p></personGrp>

<personGrp id="sl" role="all" size="m"><p>sl, all, medium group</p></personGrp>

<personGrp role="speakers" size="3"><p>number of speakers: 3</p></personGrp>





<item n="speechevent">Lecture</item>

<item n="acaddept">Classics and Ancient History</item>

<item n="acaddiv">ah</item>

<item n="partlevel">UG2/3</item>

<item n="module">Roman Britain</item>





<u who="nm0050"> what i could do <pause dur="0.3"/> first of all <pause dur="0.6"/> while this is being set up is just # <pause dur="1.2"/><kinesic desc="turns on projector showing slide" iterated="n"/> show you something that i promised i would show you <pause dur="0.7"/> last time <pause dur="1.0"/> before we get going <pause dur="0.9"/> and that is the way that # <pause dur="1.1"/> Agricola <pause dur="1.0"/> bottled up <pause dur="1.5"/> the # <pause dur="0.5"/> the entrances to the glens <pause dur="2.5"/> which i would do if i had something that would <trunc>s</trunc> <pause dur="1.4"/><kinesic desc="adjusts projector" iterated="n"/> there we are <pause dur="1.2"/> # this is the entrance to the small glen <pause dur="0.9"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> and there is an Agricolan fort as you can see <pause dur="0.4"/> bottling it up <pause dur="1.9"/> so that's what he did really all the way along <pause dur="0.4"/> the highland # <pause dur="0.8"/> massif </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/>

<u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> well as you can see we've got # <pause dur="0.8"/> you've heard of Jaws two this is yawn two today <pause dur="2.4"/> this is for the # <pause dur="0.7"/> the Internet version <pause dur="0.7"/> so we'll put the whole world to sleep not just the # <pause dur="0.6"/> the video public <pause dur="0.9"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> we saw last time <pause dur="1.1"/> # <pause dur="0.7"/> the history of Agricola within Britain <pause dur="0.7"/> through <pause dur="0.6"/> what i hope was the medium of the archaeological record <pause dur="0.4"/> in so far as he set out <pause dur="0.6"/> # <pause dur="0.6"/> the camps <pause dur="1.0"/> # <pause dur="1.2"/> in his progress northwards and then into the lowlands of Scotland and up the east coast of Scotland <pause dur="0.9"/> and we saw <pause dur="0.4"/> that <pause dur="0.5"/> in some cases it's rather difficult to distinguish between an Agricolan <pause dur="0.4"/> # foundation <pause dur="0.5"/> and say somewhere that had been established by Cerialis or Frontinus <pause dur="0.9"/> so there is a problem <pause dur="0.4"/> in viewing Agricola's <pause dur="0.3"/> campaigning <pause dur="0.4"/> # <pause dur="0.3"/> career <pause dur="0.6"/> through the medium of archaeology <pause dur="1.3"/> which is many ways is a pity because Agricola is probably the most significant <pause dur="0.4"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> Roman governor <pause dur="0.6"/> # who ever came to Britain <pause dur="0.9"/> certainly we know more about him <pause dur="0.8"/> than we do about any other <pause dur="0.3"/> governor <pause dur="0.3"/> of Roman Britain <pause dur="2.0"/> and yet what we do know <pause dur="0.8"/> remains

extraordinarily patchy <pause dur="1.0"/> and this itself <pause dur="0.3"/> has <pause dur="0.2"/> a lot to say <pause dur="0.3"/> about the state of our information <pause dur="0.3"/> concerning other significant governors <pause dur="0.3"/> who came and went <pause dur="1.4"/> before Agricola of course there was Petilius Cerialis <pause dur="0.7"/> and we hear from Tacitus <pause dur="0.3"/> in the Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> that it was Cerialis <pause dur="0.3"/> who largely defeated <pause dur="0.4"/> the Brigantes <pause dur="1.2"/> yet apart from that <pause dur="1.1"/> passing reference almost within <pause dur="0.7"/> Tacitus <pause dur="0.3"/> we know very little <pause dur="0.6"/> about <trunc>ker</trunc> the details of Cerialis' <pause dur="0.3"/> campaigns within <pause dur="0.2"/> the province <pause dur="3.0"/> so when we come <pause dur="0.2"/> to somebody <pause dur="0.2"/> like Agricola <pause dur="0.3"/> about whom <pause dur="0.4"/> there is a certain degree <pause dur="0.4"/> of information <pause dur="0.4"/> in terms of archeological remains <pause dur="0.2"/> and in terms especially of <pause dur="0.2"/> literary remains <pause dur="0.7"/> we have to be careful <pause dur="0.3"/> first of all <pause dur="0.3"/> we have to be careful that we don't <pause dur="0.6"/> focus in upon Agricola <pause dur="1.0"/> and <pause dur="0.7"/> use the very fact that we know more about him <pause dur="1.8"/> to take his achievements beyond their natural <pause dur="0.3"/> limits <pause dur="1.3"/> and secondly we have to be careful <pause dur="0.3"/> about <pause dur="0.2"/> how we approach <pause dur="0.3"/> those sources in the first place <pause dur="1.1"/> the very fact that there are sources <pause dur="1.4"/>

tends to lull us in to a false sense of security and to accept them at face value <pause dur="1.1"/> simply because they're there <pause dur="0.5"/> and to view <pause dur="0.7"/> Agricola <pause dur="1.2"/> as <pause dur="0.9"/> the great figure <pause dur="0.3"/> that certainly his son-in-law <pause dur="1.2"/> Tacitus <pause dur="0.4"/> paints him as <pause dur="0.8"/> what i want to do is actually <pause dur="0.6"/> to look <pause dur="0.5"/> at the literary record today <pause dur="1.0"/> and to see <pause dur="0.3"/> whether in fact <pause dur="0.8"/> # <pause dur="0.3"/> there are dangers within it <pause dur="0.2"/> that we need to <pause dur="0.3"/> to bear in mind <pause dur="0.3"/> when we look <pause dur="0.2"/> at Agricola <pause dur="0.9"/> as a historical figure <pause dur="3.2"/> the first thing to bear in mind is that this particular work <pause dur="0.2"/> was written in the period shortly after <pause dur="0.6"/> ninety-eight <pause dur="1.9"/> in the <pause dur="0.6"/> opening <pause dur="0.3"/> at the opening of the reign <pause dur="0.2"/> of the emperor <pause dur="0.4"/> Trajan <pause dur="2.3"/> this means that the information that <pause dur="0.5"/> Tacitus is <pause dur="0.3"/> is giving us here <pause dur="1.5"/> is a decade old <pause dur="0.7"/> by the time he gets writing <pause dur="0.5"/> it's over a decade old in in in <pause dur="0.2"/> many ways <pause dur="2.1"/> it's also to be borne in mind <pause dur="1.3"/> that <pause dur="0.5"/> for a number of years <pause dur="1.4"/> Tacitus and Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> did not meet <pause dur="0.8"/> prior <pause dur="0.4"/> to Agricola's death <pause dur="1.2"/> and therefore we immediately need to be aware of the fact that the information that Tacitus is putting over here <pause dur="0.6"/> is

not fresh information <pause dur="0.8"/> it's not hot off the press it's not <pause dur="0.6"/> straight from the lips <pause dur="0.6"/> of <pause dur="0.6"/> Agricola himself <pause dur="1.3"/> Agricola left Britain <pause dur="1.1"/> round about eighty-three <pause dur="0.6"/> this is being written <pause dur="1.0"/> round about ninety-eight <pause dur="1.8"/> so there's immediate problem about the accuracy <pause dur="0.4"/> of <pause dur="0.8"/> the work <pause dur="0.7"/> in terms of <pause dur="0.3"/> access <pause dur="0.3"/> to first-hand information undoubtedly there would have been records within Rome <pause dur="0.5"/> of Agricola's period within Britain <pause dur="2.5"/> but to some extent it's clear that <pause dur="0.9"/> Tacitus may well be relying upon <pause dur="0.3"/> his own memory <pause dur="0.9"/> and that is notoriously <pause dur="0.7"/> a weak point <pause dur="0.2"/> with everybody <pause dur="1.1"/> the next thing to bear in mind of course this is <pause dur="0.6"/> this <pause dur="0.7"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> biography <pause dur="0.7"/> of Agricola <pause dur="0.2"/> has its own agenda <pause dur="1.4"/> it is not being written by somebody <pause dur="0.3"/> who is <pause dur="0.4"/> totally <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="2.2"/> unaffected <pause dur="0.6"/> by the topic that he's dealing with <pause dur="1.0"/> it's his own father-in-law <pause dur="3.7"/> at the same time <pause dur="0.3"/> think about <pause dur="0.5"/> the circumstances under which it was being written <pause dur="0.6"/> it's written <pause dur="0.2"/> after a period <pause dur="0.6"/> of <pause dur="3.4"/> tyranny <pause dur="0.3"/> within Rome <pause dur="0.4"/> not to put <pause dur="0.3"/> # too fine a point on it <pause dur="1.1"/> the end the the final years of the emperor Domitian <pause dur="0.2"/>

the emperor <pause dur="2.5"/> who under whom <pause dur="1.5"/> Agricola's greatest <pause dur="0.3"/> victory was won <pause dur="0.7"/> the victory at Mons Graupius <pause dur="2.2"/> was to turn into <pause dur="0.6"/> a monster <pause dur="1.1"/> in some ways a justified monster since he was <pause dur="0.4"/> the subject of # <pause dur="0.6"/> a number of attempted assassinations <pause dur="2.0"/> but <pause dur="0.4"/> the work is being written against the background of <pause dur="0.2"/> a monster <pause dur="0.8"/> under whom <pause dur="0.6"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> # Agricola lived <pause dur="0.2"/> his final years <pause dur="0.6"/> and <pause dur="0.8"/> whose memory <pause dur="1.9"/> was <pause dur="0.6"/> undergoing a process of damnation <pause dur="1.2"/> in the minds <pause dur="0.3"/> of the ruling elites that is the the senate in Rome <pause dur="0.7"/> # in the period after his <pause dur="0.6"/> his assassination <pause dur="0.3"/> the <pause dur="0.2"/> the successful attempt <pause dur="0.6"/> # in ninety-six <pause dur="0.5"/> Domitian had been followed by Nerva <pause dur="0.8"/> # who's mentioned in this work and then <pause dur="0.2"/> in ninety-eight <pause dur="0.4"/> by Trajan <pause dur="0.2"/> who again <pause dur="0.4"/> is mention it setting the composition of the work <pause dur="0.5"/> into a <pause dur="0.6"/> context <pause dur="1.3"/> and it <pause dur="0.2"/> <trunc>ha</trunc> has been suggested by a number of people that part of the <pause dur="0.7"/> whole purpose of the Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> is actually to justify <pause dur="0.4"/> the survival <pause dur="0.2"/> of those members of the senate who did survive the reign <pause dur="0.4"/> of Domitian <pause dur="0.5"/> whereas <pause dur="0.2"/> better men <pause dur="1.0"/> more <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.9"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> patriotic <pause dur="1.1"/> and more

heroic figures <pause dur="0.4"/> died <pause dur="0.4"/> or were forced <pause dur="0.3"/> into <pause dur="0.2"/> suicide <pause dur="4.3"/> so it's not just <pause dur="0.5"/> a biography <pause dur="0.2"/> it's not a dispassionate view <pause dur="0.6"/> of Agricola's <pause dur="0.4"/> life <pause dur="0.2"/> and his career <pause dur="0.4"/> it has <pause dur="0.6"/> extra <pause dur="0.2"/> dimensions to it <pause dur="0.6"/> and you'll find these well set out in Ogilvie and Richmond's <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> edition <pause dur="0.6"/> of the work in the introduction there <pause dur="2.2"/> we needn't worry about <pause dur="1.7"/> the initial chapters of the work they simply set the scene <pause dur="1.8"/> Agricola himself doesn't begin to appear <pause dur="0.4"/> until <pause dur="0.2"/> chapter four <pause dur="0.4"/> when we're told about his early years his <pause dur="0.4"/> birth <pause dur="0.4"/> at Fréjus <pause dur="0.4"/> or Forum Julii <pause dur="0.2"/> in southern Gaul <pause dur="0.8"/> of how <pause dur="0.2"/> his education was steered away <pause dur="0.5"/> from <pause dur="0.2"/> that un-Roman <pause dur="0.5"/> topic of study <pause dur="0.2"/> philosophy <pause dur="1.1"/> and philosophy <pause dur="0.3"/> in the reign of <pause dur="0.4"/> the emperors from Nero on <pause dur="0.6"/> # <pause dur="0.7"/> was something to be avoided <pause dur="1.0"/> since philosophers <pause dur="0.8"/> regularly became the object of suspicion <pause dur="0.3"/> in other words they thought <pause dur="0.5"/> and thinking was a dangerous occupation <pause dur="1.8"/> in chapter five he comes <trunc>t</trunc> # Tacitus comes to <pause dur="0.4"/> # the early years of <pause dur="0.2"/> Agricola's <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="1.2"/> military <pause dur="0.2"/> political career <pause dur="0.4"/> and this is all a build up <pause dur="1.8"/> to the

time when Agricola becomes governor <pause dur="0.4"/> of Britain itself <pause dur="1.0"/> it's from Tacitus that we learn about Agricola's <pause dur="0.3"/> two earlier periods <pause dur="0.4"/> of office within Britain <pause dur="1.0"/> the first of them <pause dur="0.7"/> the military apprenticeship would have been <pause dur="0.4"/> as senior tribune <pause dur="1.3"/> in one of the legions <pause dur="2.1"/> under the governor <pause dur="0.6"/> Suetonius Paulinus and he immediately <pause dur="0.3"/> rings a bell with us because he was the man <pause dur="0.5"/> who had to sort out the Boudiccan rebellion <pause dur="0.6"/> so this indicates that <pause dur="0.4"/> <trunc>s</trunc> <pause dur="2.0"/> Agricola's first posting <pause dur="0.2"/> in a military position <pause dur="2.0"/> puts him right at the <pause dur="0.3"/> centre <pause dur="0.5"/> of the greatest crisis that the province of Britain <pause dur="0.4"/> had actually <pause dur="0.2"/> suffered <pause dur="2.8"/> he came through it <pause dur="1.6"/> well <pause dur="0.9"/> at least <pause dur="0.4"/> alive <pause dur="0.2"/> and <pause dur="0.2"/> with some military distinction <pause dur="1.3"/> Tacitus <pause dur="0.3"/> is eager to show that his father-in-law even then <pause dur="1.4"/> ran counter <pause dur="1.0"/> to what <trunc>w</trunc> might be regarded as the norm <pause dur="0.3"/> though how far it was the norm <pause dur="1.2"/> # <pause dur="1.6"/> leaves certain questions in our minds <pause dur="0.3"/> he says that # <pause dur="1.1"/> <reading>Agricola was no loose young <unclear>subbleton</unclear> <pause dur="0.4"/> to turn his military career into a life of gaiety he wouldn't make his self-captaincy <pause dur="0.3"/>

<trunc>as</trunc> and his inexperience an excuse for idly enjoying himself <pause dur="0.3"/> and continually going on leave</reading> <pause dur="0.3"/> giving us <pause dur="0.3"/> the impression that the norm <pause dur="0.4"/> for <pause dur="0.2"/> senior tribunes <pause dur="0.6"/> was basically to use <pause dur="0.4"/> their period <pause dur="0.3"/> of supposed military service <pause dur="0.2"/> as a long <pause dur="0.2"/> and extended holiday <pause dur="0.6"/> where they could go <pause dur="0.4"/> off <pause dur="0.5"/> from their station <pause dur="0.3"/> and engage <pause dur="0.3"/> in extended <pause dur="0.2"/> hunting trips <pause dur="0.7"/> no <pause dur="0.6"/> according to Tacitus <pause dur="0.3"/> that was not the case <pause dur="0.2"/> and this kind of <pause dur="1.0"/> special pleading for Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> continues right through the work <pause dur="0.4"/> one <trunc>wo</trunc> begins to wonder in fact <pause dur="0.2"/> how <pause dur="0.3"/> true it actually is <pause dur="1.6"/> well it may have been true <pause dur="2.8"/> then <pause dur="0.4"/> Agricola returns to Rome <pause dur="0.6"/> gets married the next stage <pause dur="0.3"/> is his election to the post of quaestor which gives him financial responsibility <pause dur="0.2"/> for taxes <pause dur="0.5"/> within one of the provinces and the province he's given <pause dur="0.3"/> is Asia <pause dur="1.0"/> another good thing about this particular work is it gives us a very good <pause dur="0.4"/> idea <pause dur="0.3"/> of the progression <pause dur="0.8"/> for a <pause dur="0.3"/> military political <pause dur="0.4"/> young man destined for high office <pause dur="0.6"/> and a senatorial career <pause dur="0.9"/> # <pause dur="0.4"/> as he moves through it <pause dur="0.7"/> he goes <pause dur="0.5"/> to be

quaestor in Asia and Asia <pause dur="0.2"/> a notorious province it had been notorious even in republican times <pause dur="0.7"/> notorious <pause dur="0.4"/> for the potential <pause dur="0.8"/> for <pause dur="0.8"/> making money on the side <pause dur="2.2"/> for corruption <pause dur="1.2"/> anybody with any responsibility for <pause dur="0.5"/> financial dealings in <pause dur="0.2"/> Asia <pause dur="0.2"/> which is <pause dur="0.3"/> a very rich province <pause dur="0.7"/> was immediately <pause dur="0.6"/> presented with <pause dur="0.2"/> the <pause dur="1.3"/> prospect <pause dur="0.2"/> of making a killing <pause dur="1.4"/> by <pause dur="0.5"/> putting money into his own pocket that shouldn't be there <pause dur="1.6"/> according to Tacitus <pause dur="0.5"/> Agricola avoided this <pause dur="4.1"/> there was the temptation of the governor <pause dur="1.6"/> colluding with lower officials <pause dur="0.2"/> to their mutual benefit <pause dur="0.8"/> he avoided this <pause dur="2.2"/> he then leaves the quaestorship <pause dur="0.8"/> and becomes a tribune of the people <pause dur="1.2"/> this <pause dur="0.3"/> in the time of Nero <pause dur="1.2"/> a time <pause dur="0.8"/> which according to Tacitus <pause dur="2.0"/> was one for keeping your head below the parapet <pause dur="0.3"/> and your mouth shut <pause dur="3.5"/> apparently <pause dur="0.6"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> did just that <pause dur="1.3"/> he understood the age of Nero in which inactivity was tantamount to wisdom <pause dur="2.4"/> is this special pleading for somebody <pause dur="1.1"/> who <pause dur="1.0"/> shifted with the wind <pause dur="0.8"/> who knew where his best interests lay <pause dur="0.6"/> is it <pause dur="1.6"/>

Agricola <pause dur="0.3"/> doing essentially <pause dur="0.8"/> what <pause dur="3.5"/> the whole senate that survived Domitian <pause dur="0.4"/> could be accused of doing <pause dur="0.7"/> of <pause dur="0.4"/> keeping quiet <pause dur="0.6"/> and <pause dur="0.2"/> staying alive <pause dur="1.5"/> from the tribuneshit of the # ship of the people he goes into the praetorship <pause dur="1.7"/> praetorship having a legalistic <pause dur="1.3"/> aspect to it <pause dur="1.0"/> but in <pause dur="0.2"/> Agricola's case <pause dur="0.3"/> that legal side never materialized <pause dur="0.8"/> he was responsible though for the ordering of public games <pause dur="1.2"/> a notoriously easy way of losing <pause dur="0.2"/> money <pause dur="2.8"/> in Rome one tended to buy favour <pause dur="1.3"/> by putting on spectacular games <pause dur="2.3"/> according to Tacitus <pause dur="0.9"/> Agricola compromised between economy <pause dur="0.4"/> and excess <pause dur="0.2"/> this is a man <pause dur="0.6"/> we are presented with who knew <pause dur="0.2"/> the right proportions <pause dur="0.3"/> and exercised the right proportions <pause dur="0.4"/> right through his career <pause dur="1.4"/> now that can be seen and Tacitus obviously wants it to be seen <pause dur="0.4"/> as a virtue <pause dur="1.0"/> but <pause dur="0.2"/> is it a virtue <pause dur="0.5"/> or is it the sign <pause dur="0.3"/> of <pause dur="0.2"/> weakness <pause dur="2.7"/> then <pause dur="0.7"/> following the death <pause dur="0.5"/> of <pause dur="0.6"/> Agricola's mother <pause dur="0.5"/> in the civil wars that followed the <pause dur="0.7"/> # <pause dur="1.1"/> suicide <pause dur="0.7"/> of Nero <pause dur="0.9"/> he's returned to Britain <pause dur="0.7"/> this time as a legionary commander <pause dur="0.4"/> put in charge <pause dur="0.3"/> of the

twentieth legion <pause dur="0.5"/> which Tacitus says had been wavering <pause dur="0.4"/> in its allegiance <pause dur="0.3"/> to the <pause dur="0.3"/> new emperor Vespasian <pause dur="1.0"/> according to <pause dur="0.3"/> to to Tacitus <pause dur="0.5"/> as soon as Vespasian <pause dur="0.2"/> made a move for imperial power <pause dur="1.0"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.3"/> took his side <pause dur="0.5"/> well <pause dur="2.9"/> is it true <pause dur="0.4"/> or is it not <pause dur="0.4"/> certainly <pause dur="0.2"/> i think we can take it that there must have been some kind of connection <pause dur="0.5"/> between Agricola and Vespasian if you remember Vespasian had himself <pause dur="0.3"/> seen service <pause dur="0.3"/> in Britain <pause dur="0.3"/> though at an earlier period <pause dur="0.4"/> from that of Agricola <pause dur="2.1"/> in any case the <pause dur="0.3"/> wavering nature <pause dur="0.2"/> of <pause dur="0.2"/> loyalty on the part of the twentieth legion <pause dur="0.8"/> was <pause dur="1.2"/> sorted out <pause dur="0.5"/> by Agricola <pause dur="2.8"/> but in a way again <pause dur="0.2"/> that shows or <pause dur="0.2"/> that Tacitus wants us to believe <pause dur="0.2"/> shows a light hand <pause dur="0.4"/> a sensible hand in dealing with things <pause dur="0.5"/> that <pause dur="0.2"/> Agricola was not <pause dur="0.2"/> sent in <pause dur="0.4"/> or when he went in <pause dur="0.4"/> did not <pause dur="1.3"/> # <pause dur="0.9"/> prove to be a strict <pause dur="0.2"/> disciplinarian <pause dur="0.9"/> items that could simply be <pause dur="0.4"/> # <pause dur="0.7"/> papered over <pause dur="1.1"/> minor faults <pause dur="0.3"/> he tended <pause dur="0.4"/> not to look at </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> in some respects <pause dur="0.2"/> it's the same kind <pause dur="0.2"/> of <pause dur="0.4"/> treatment <pause dur="0.8"/> that <pause dur="1.9"/> Tacitus himself <pause dur="1.1"/> had criticized when it was

engaged in <pause dur="0.4"/> by Petronius Turpilianus and Trebellius Maximus immediately following <pause dur="0.3"/> the Boudiccan rebellion <pause dur="1.6"/> allowing things to settle down <pause dur="0.3"/> allowing people to see the sense <pause dur="0.4"/> of their <pause dur="0.2"/> the situation <pause dur="1.3"/> here is <pause dur="0.3"/> Agricola doing the same kind of thing but <pause dur="0.2"/> here <pause dur="0.6"/> it's taken as wisdom <pause dur="0.5"/> and in their case <pause dur="0.3"/> it's taken as sloth <pause dur="0.7"/> then the governorships <pause dur="0.3"/> of Bolanus and Cerialis <pause dur="1.4"/> as i said before Cerialis is known to have been a significant figure <pause dur="0.4"/> within Romano-British history <pause dur="0.6"/> and yet <pause dur="0.3"/> the actual <pause dur="1.0"/> # <pause dur="0.7"/> level of knowledge that we have of this man <pause dur="1.1"/> is minuscule <pause dur="0.4"/> and is largely <pause dur="0.7"/> due <pause dur="1.3"/> to <pause dur="0.4"/> Tacitus <pause dur="0.2"/> who gives us a couple of sentences <pause dur="0.3"/> and that's it <pause dur="0.6"/> it's Tacitus <pause dur="0.2"/> who tells us <pause dur="0.3"/> about the defeats <pause dur="0.6"/> # inflicted upon the Brigantes <pause dur="2.7"/> and this again <pause dur="1.0"/> is <pause dur="0.2"/> in part <pause dur="0.9"/> to bolster <pause dur="0.5"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> rather than to bolster <pause dur="0.4"/> Cerialis <pause dur="0.8"/> in fact all of the <pause dur="0.3"/> this <pause dur="0.3"/> preliminary material <pause dur="0.7"/> downplays <pause dur="1.8"/> previous achievements <pause dur="1.0"/> in order to emphasize Agricola's own achievements <pause dur="0.5"/> in the eighties </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> returning to Rome <pause dur="0.4"/> from <pause dur="0.2"/> his second <pause dur="0.2"/> round of duty in Britain <pause dur="2.3"/>

Agricola is made <pause dur="0.6"/> a full governor <pause dur="1.7"/> of the province of Aquitania <pause dur="2.1"/> now this was <trunc>e</trunc> essentially a civilian <pause dur="0.9"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> province <pause dur="1.6"/> one that did not have <pause dur="0.5"/> a military aspect to it <pause dur="0.3"/> but it was an important stage <pause dur="1.6"/> because it gave Agricola <pause dur="0.2"/> experience of <pause dur="0.8"/> the kind of administration <pause dur="0.6"/> that he would have to <pause dur="0.4"/> put into effect when he eventually did return to Britain <pause dur="0.7"/> including <pause dur="0.6"/> the exercising <pause dur="0.4"/> of <pause dur="0.4"/> legal power <pause dur="0.6"/> as the final <pause dur="0.8"/> # court of appeal for non-citizens <pause dur="0.4"/> and the last but one <pause dur="0.3"/> in the case of citizens <pause dur="2.3"/> in this section <pause dur="0.6"/> we come across another aspect <pause dur="0.4"/> of the governor's <pause dur="0.3"/> responsibility <pause dur="2.5"/> something that has already been seen within a Romano-British context <pause dur="0.3"/> and that is <pause dur="0.4"/> the <pause dur="0.2"/> potential for trouble <pause dur="0.5"/> between <pause dur="0.5"/> a governor <pause dur="0.4"/> and the procurator <pause dur="0.6"/> remember in the time of Suetonius Paulinus <pause dur="0.7"/> # Tacitus <pause dur="0.6"/> # <pause dur="1.4"/> refers to the enmity <pause dur="1.1"/> between Paulinus and the new procurator <pause dur="0.3"/> Classicianus <pause dur="2.1"/> exactly <pause dur="0.3"/> how <pause dur="1.5"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> troublesome relations could <pause dur="0.2"/> be between these two officials <pause dur="0.4"/> we shall never really know <pause dur="0.9"/> we only get snippets of information here

and there <pause dur="1.1"/> and <pause dur="0.3"/> very often <pause dur="0.3"/> those snippets of information <pause dur="0.4"/> have an ulterior motive <pause dur="0.5"/> if you look at the way <pause dur="0.3"/> that the source deals with Suetonius Paulinus and <trunc>s</trunc> Classicianus it's perfectly clear <pause dur="0.9"/> that Tacitus <pause dur="0.2"/> takes the side <pause dur="0.5"/> of the military figure <pause dur="1.9"/> because Suetonius Paulinus is <trunc>atta</trunc> is attached <pause dur="0.4"/> in terms of career <pause dur="0.6"/> to Agricola <pause dur="2.7"/> but is that the exception <pause dur="0.8"/> certainly for the smooth running of any province <pause dur="0.3"/> the cooperation the active cooperation <pause dur="0.3"/> of these two <pause dur="0.9"/> # figures <pause dur="0.3"/> must have been the norm <pause dur="0.2"/> rather than the exception <pause dur="0.6"/> and in fact there's a <pause dur="0.4"/> # a note in the <pause dur="0.4"/> most recent edition # volume <pause dur="0.4"/> of the journal <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.4"/> Britannia <pause dur="0.3"/> which should just have gone into the library <pause dur="0.6"/> which you might care to read <pause dur="0.5"/> on the matter <pause dur="4.9"/> following this came the consulship <pause dur="0.4"/> and after the consulship <pause dur="1.9"/> appointment to Britain <pause dur="0.4"/> as its governor <pause dur="0.9"/> and this brings us into the immediate context <pause dur="0.5"/> of <pause dur="0.3"/> the whole course <pause dur="0.9"/> but before <pause dur="0.5"/> Tacitus gets <pause dur="0.7"/> to <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> Agricola's <pause dur="0.5"/> # career within Britain <pause dur="0.2"/> as governor <pause dur="0.5"/> he's sucked in to <pause dur="0.4"/> what one

might call <pause dur="0.5"/> the genre expectations <pause dur="0.4"/> of writing about Britain <pause dur="1.8"/> those kind of topics <pause dur="0.3"/> that virtually <pause dur="0.2"/> every writer on Britain has to engage in <pause dur="0.6"/> its geography its climate <pause dur="0.2"/> its peoples and so on <pause dur="1.2"/> and so <pause dur="0.4"/> from chapter ten on <pause dur="0.3"/> we're given details <pause dur="0.3"/> about <pause dur="0.2"/> the shape of Britain <pause dur="0.3"/> its <trunc>po</trunc> its <trunc>geographoc</trunc> <pause dur="0.3"/> geographical position vis-à-vis the rest of the <pause dur="0.4"/> # empire we get this strange view <pause dur="0.4"/> of Britain as being <pause dur="0.6"/> somewhere to the east <pause dur="0.6"/> of Spain <pause dur="1.9"/> basically because Spain's supposed to <pause dur="1.2"/> sweep up <pause dur="1.1"/> # to lie west <pause dur="0.2"/> of Britain <pause dur="0.5"/> with Ireland <pause dur="0.3"/> in between <pause dur="0.8"/> the shape of Britain <pause dur="0.8"/> a double headed axe an elongated diamond a rhombus <pause dur="0.3"/> all these shapes have been interpreted <pause dur="0.3"/> from what <pause dur="0.3"/> Tacitus tells us <pause dur="2.0"/> then <pause dur="0.2"/> from <pause dur="0.2"/> the north of Britain which i suppose if you were to draw <pause dur="0.2"/> straight lines would be a rhombus <pause dur="0.4"/> you get the <pause dur="0.3"/> tract of <pause dur="0.4"/> of Scotland itself <pause dur="0.3"/> running northwards <pause dur="0.5"/> well running northwards to a certain extent because <pause dur="0.6"/> Tacitus like <pause dur="0.2"/> many other writers <pause dur="0.9"/> in antiquity <pause dur="0.3"/> had a strange view of <trunc>k</trunc> of Scotland as well <pause dur="0.7"/> Scotland

seems to have gone through <pause dur="0.4"/> a ninety degree <pause dur="0.5"/> turn <pause dur="1.4"/> so that <pause dur="0.2"/> the north of Scotland actually <pause dur="0.5"/> faced towards <pause dur="0.2"/> Germany <pause dur="1.0"/> whereas the west coast <pause dur="0.5"/> was essentially <pause dur="0.4"/> # <pause dur="0.4"/> pointing northwards <pause dur="3.7"/> he refers <pause dur="1.0"/> to <pause dur="0.2"/> islands in the far north <pause dur="0.9"/> the Orkneys <pause dur="0.6"/> which we know <pause dur="1.6"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.9"/> explored not in person but he <trunc>s</trunc> actually sent a fleet <pause dur="0.3"/> round the north <pause dur="0.2"/> of Scotland <pause dur="0.3"/> simply to establish that Britain was an island <pause dur="0.5"/> and not a continent that went on forever <pause dur="0.7"/> Thule too was sighted <pause dur="1.5"/> in Tacitus' day Thule is undoubtedly the Shetland islands <pause dur="1.2"/> of course back in the days <pause dur="0.3"/> of Pythias of Massilia in the fourth century B-C <pause dur="0.3"/> Thule could have been anything <pause dur="0.3"/> from Norway <pause dur="0.2"/> to Iceland <pause dur="0.4"/> to North America <pause dur="3.2"/> the mention too of the seas in this area <pause dur="1.8"/> is something that <pause dur="0.5"/> again <pause dur="0.5"/> fascinates the Roman mind <pause dur="1.2"/> it fascinated Caesar <pause dur="0.5"/> because he'd never <trunc>a</trunc> <pause dur="1.1"/> experienced <pause dur="0.2"/> anything like the tides <pause dur="0.5"/> in <pause dur="0.5"/> the the channel <pause dur="3.9"/> the seas to the north of Britain <pause dur="1.8"/> were something totally unknown <pause dur="0.5"/> it was open sea open ocean in many ways <pause dur="0.6"/> in the time of # <pause dur="0.2"/> of Pythias of

Massilia <pause dur="0.8"/> we hear about the sea <pause dur="0.3"/> being like a jelly <pause dur="1.3"/> which some people have <trunc>ins</trunc> # have interpreted as the kind of <pause dur="0.5"/> # ice flow mush <pause dur="0.8"/> that you can get <pause dur="0.3"/> in the higher latitudes <pause dur="1.3"/> Tacitus repeats this he must there must have been some evidence from that circumnavigation of the north of Scotland <pause dur="0.6"/> # that is the basis <pause dur="0.2"/> of what Tacitus says here <pause dur="0.3"/> he says that <reading>the sea is sluggish and heavy to the oar <pause dur="0.4"/> and even in a high wind doesn't rise as other seas do</reading> <pause dur="0.3"/> what he's <trunc>af</trunc> <pause dur="0.5"/> seeming to mean here is that with the vast openness <pause dur="0.9"/> of the northern sea <pause dur="0.8"/> you don't get the <pause dur="1.4"/> # <pause dur="0.3"/> the close packed <pause dur="0.5"/> # peaks of waves that you do <pause dur="0.2"/> when you're close to land <pause dur="0.8"/> that the waves are very much <pause dur="0.2"/> wider apart <pause dur="3.0"/> i think that's what he's dealing with there that in fact you do get <pause dur="0.6"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> open sea <pause dur="0.4"/> with <pause dur="0.2"/> a peculiar type of wave pattern </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> he goes onto the <pause dur="0.7"/> first inhabitants of Britain <pause dur="0.5"/> deriving them <pause dur="0.6"/> either from <pause dur="0.4"/> Spain <pause dur="1.1"/> and <trunc>con</trunc> <pause dur="0.2"/> # when one considers the <pause dur="0.3"/> geographic <trunc>pos</trunc> # <pause dur="0.3"/> relative geographic position <pause dur="0.3"/> of Britain and Spain one can see why he's doing

this <pause dur="0.3"/> or from Gaul itself <pause dur="0.3"/> which is perfectly reasonable <pause dur="0.7"/> he goes onto the fighting strength <pause dur="0.3"/> of the tribes in Britain <pause dur="1.9"/> again <pause dur="0.2"/> the fascination <pause dur="0.4"/> with the chariot <pause dur="1.0"/> though unlike <pause dur="0.3"/> Caesar <pause dur="1.2"/> Tacitus says <pause dur="0.9"/> it's the nobleman who does the driving <pause dur="0.5"/> and <pause dur="0.3"/> the <pause dur="0.6"/> retainer who does the fighting <pause dur="1.0"/> Caesar gives us the <trunc>im</trunc> impression that it's quite the other way around <pause dur="0.3"/> well <pause dur="0.3"/> it doesn't really matter i suppose <pause dur="1.7"/> but <pause dur="0.2"/> what we do get is the realization <pause dur="0.3"/> as we've already seen <pause dur="0.2"/> that <pause dur="0.6"/> the <pause dur="0.4"/> main <pause dur="0.3"/> advantage that the Romans have <pause dur="0.2"/> in dealing with the the British tribes <pause dur="0.3"/> is the disunity <pause dur="0.2"/> of those <trunc>tr</trunc> # of those <pause dur="0.2"/> tribes <pause dur="0.4"/> that they <pause dur="0.2"/> rarely act in concert <pause dur="0.3"/> and so <pause dur="0.2"/> by the process of <pause dur="0.3"/> divide and conquer <pause dur="0.4"/> they are picked off <pause dur="0.3"/> one at a time <pause dur="1.4"/> he then goes on <pause dur="0.6"/> to the perennial interesting topics of British weather <pause dur="1.4"/> the climate is wretched <pause dur="0.6"/> is i think as relevant today as it was then <pause dur="1.0"/> but there is no extreme cold which <pause dur="0.8"/> well <pause dur="0.4"/> sometimes is true <pause dur="2.4"/><vocal desc="sniff" iterated="n"/><pause dur="0.5"/> then a strange <pause dur="0.2"/> view of <pause dur="1.6"/> the extreme <pause dur="0.2"/> light summers in the north of Britain <pause dur="0.9"/> i'll read out the

translation <pause dur="0.8"/><vocal desc="clears throat" iterated="n"/><pause dur="2.1"/> <reading>their day is longer than in our part of the world the nights are light and in the extreme north <pause dur="0.3"/> so short that evening and morning twilight are scarcely distinguishable <pause dur="0.9"/> if no clouds block the view the sun's glow it is said can be seen all night long <pause dur="0.6"/> it doesn't <trunc>ri</trunc> # set and rise but simply passes along the horizon <pause dur="0.7"/> the reason must be that the flat extremities of the earth <pause dur="0.2"/> cast low shadows and don't <pause dur="0.2"/> raise the darkness to any height <pause dur="0.7"/> night therefore fails to reach the sky and its stars</reading> <pause dur="0.8"/> now <pause dur="1.2"/> that actually <pause dur="0.4"/> can be <pause dur="0.4"/> demonstrated <pause dur="0.3"/> in a strange kind of way <pause dur="0.6"/> if one accepts that the world is flat <pause dur="0.5"/> as Tacitus did <pause dur="0.7"/> flat earth <pause dur="1.3"/><kinesic desc="writes on board" iterated="y" dur="4"/> Rome is there <pause dur="1.0"/> Britain is there <pause dur="0.3"/> and in the summertime <pause dur="0.4"/> the sun <pause dur="1.5"/><kinesic desc="writes on board" iterated="y" dur="2"/> is <pause dur="1.7"/> there <pause dur="1.5"/> what causes night according to Tacitus is shadow <pause dur="1.2"/> the shadow <pause dur="3.7"/><kinesic desc="writes on board" iterated="y" dur="2"/> stretching up <pause dur="0.3"/> to the sky <pause dur="1.8"/> in Britain <pause dur="0.6"/> that shadow doesn't actually reach <pause dur="0.5"/><kinesic desc="writes on board" iterated="y" dur="1"/> as high <pause dur="0.4"/> as the stars and

therefore the stars are not seen at night because <pause dur="0.2"/> the sky is light <pause dur="0.6"/> in Rome <pause dur="1.7"/><kinesic desc="writes on board" iterated="y" dur="1"/> the stars fall within the shadow <pause dur="0.3"/> and therefore you have <pause dur="0.4"/> night <pause dur="1.0"/> it's a rationalization <pause dur="0.8"/> based on a fallacy <pause dur="1.9"/> but an interesting one <pause dur="0.2"/> he then goes on to <pause dur="0.4"/> the kinds of crops that Britain produces <pause dur="1.9"/> <unclear>will</unclear> produce everything that's good except olives and vines <pause dur="0.4"/> and the other produce <pause dur="0.3"/> of warmer lands <pause dur="1.3"/> the produce though is slow to ripen <pause dur="1.0"/> though it shoots up quickly because of the <pause dur="1.3"/> wetness of the ground <pause dur="1.4"/> Britain yields gold silver and other metals to make it worth conquering the economic factor <pause dur="0.4"/> to the conquest of Claudius <pause dur="0.3"/> he goes on to mention the production of pearls within Britain these are freshwater pearls of course <pause dur="0.8"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> or perhaps some mussel <trunc>pear</trunc> pearls on the shores <pause dur="0.5"/> they are bluish grey in colour <pause dur="0.4"/> we hear of pearls also in the context of Julius Caesar some of our sources say that one of the reasons <pause dur="0.4"/> that Caesar came to Britain <pause dur="0.3"/> was for the sake of pearls <pause dur="0.3"/> and that he actually dedicated a breastplate

covered in <pause dur="0.2"/> British pearls <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> to the gods of Rome <pause dur="5.0"/> then he turns to <pause dur="0.8"/> previous <pause dur="0.2"/> governors for a very short <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> survey of their <trunc>achi</trunc> of their accomplishments <pause dur="1.0"/> Caesar is put into context <pause dur="0.8"/> remember <pause dur="0.3"/> the <pause dur="1.4"/> contemporary <pause dur="0.5"/> # reaction to Caesar's <trunc>ek</trunc> # expedition in fifty-five <pause dur="0.5"/> twenty days public thanksgiving an unprecedented <pause dur="1.9"/> length of time <pause dur="0.3"/> and five days longer than the thanksgiving he got for the <pause dur="0.3"/> more tangible conquest <pause dur="0.3"/> of the whole of Gaul <pause dur="1.1"/> yet to Tacitus <pause dur="0.6"/> it <pause dur="0.8"/> boils down to <pause dur="0.4"/> <reading>he may fairly be said to merely to have drawn attention to the island <pause dur="0.3"/> it wasn't his <pause dur="0.4"/> to bequeath</reading> <pause dur="0.2"/> which i think is <pause dur="0.7"/> very much <pause dur="0.8"/> # more realistic <pause dur="0.6"/> but you have to take it of course in the context <pause dur="0.7"/> of <pause dur="0.3"/> post-<pause dur="1.0"/>Claudian <pause dur="1.1"/> conquest <pause dur="3.2"/> then <pause dur="0.2"/> the careers <pause dur="0.3"/> of Aulus Plautius <pause dur="0.6"/> the mention of <pause dur="0.3"/> Cogidubnus <pause dur="0.4"/> the most famous <pause dur="0.3"/> and the most loyal of the client kings <pause dur="0.5"/> who according to <pause dur="0.4"/> Tacitus survived down to our times <pause dur="0.6"/> well since Tacitus was born <pause dur="0.8"/> just after the mid-fifties <pause dur="0.3"/> it could be <pause dur="0.4"/> simply <pause dur="0.2"/> a reference to survival to that point <pause dur="0.3"/> i don't think it's a

reference <pause dur="0.4"/> to the survival <pause dur="0.5"/> down to <pause dur="0.2"/> the nineties <pause dur="0.3"/> that would have made Cogidubnus extremely old <pause dur="0.5"/> when he died <pause dur="2.8"/> reference then <pause dur="0.5"/> to Suetonius Paulinus and the Boudiccan rebellion <pause dur="0.7"/> it has to be brought in in a certain <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.7"/> with a certain magnitude because it of course figures <pause dur="0.2"/> in the career <pause dur="0.4"/> of # <pause dur="1.0"/> Agricola himself <pause dur="1.5"/> and here we get the first instance of <pause dur="1.3"/> Tacitus the historian <pause dur="0.4"/> but the historian in a Roman rhetorical mould <pause dur="1.5"/> with the insertion into the narrative <pause dur="0.3"/> of the inevitable <pause dur="0.7"/> speech <pause dur="2.4"/> the speech from <pause dur="1.1"/> the Britons outlining <pause dur="0.2"/> their complaints against the Romans <pause dur="1.0"/> now <pause dur="0.5"/> such speeches are of course are total fictions <pause dur="1.1"/> there is no way that Tacitus could have known <pause dur="3.0"/> what was said <pause dur="0.4"/> or even <pause dur="0.2"/> if <pause dur="0.2"/> anything <pause dur="0.3"/> was said <pause dur="0.9"/> but <pause dur="0.2"/> part of <pause dur="1.1"/> the education of a person like Tacitus of <trunc>h</trunc> all high ranking <pause dur="0.5"/> Roman males <pause dur="0.4"/> was rhetoric <pause dur="1.0"/> the ability to put into the mouth <pause dur="0.3"/> of a <pause dur="1.1"/> mythical <pause dur="2.2"/> figure <pause dur="2.2"/> arguments that would be appropriate <pause dur="0.4"/> to the situation <pause dur="0.8"/> and that is what <pause dur="0.4"/> Tacitus is doing here <pause dur="0.5"/> he's <pause dur="0.3"/> giving his audience what they want <pause dur="0.4"/> rhetoric <pause dur="0.3"/>

as well as history </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> he goes on <pause dur="0.5"/> to deal with # Petronius Turpilianus <pause dur="0.2"/> and Trebellius Maximus <pause dur="0.2"/> whom he <pause dur="0.5"/> belittles <pause dur="0.3"/> simply because they were consolidatary emperors <pause dur="0.3"/> # not emperors governors <pause dur="0.2"/> rather than <pause dur="0.5"/> great military figures <pause dur="2.2"/> then to <pause dur="0.3"/> Vettius Bolanus <pause dur="2.3"/> who again <pause dur="2.2"/> is <pause dur="0.2"/> played down <pause dur="1.0"/> though there are other bits <pause dur="0.3"/> of evidence literary evidence <pause dur="0.4"/> which suggest that Bolanus was not totally inactive <pause dur="0.4"/> within Britain <pause dur="0.5"/> and that he may have taken some preliminary <pause dur="0.6"/> # steps <pause dur="0.4"/> against the Brigantes because he of course <pause dur="0.5"/> was governor at the time when <pause dur="0.6"/> the <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> feud between Cartimandua Queen of the Brigantes <pause dur="0.4"/> and her <pause dur="0.3"/> divorced husband Venutius <pause dur="0.2"/> flared up once again <pause dur="0.9"/> then Petilius Cerialis <pause dur="0.6"/> but <pause dur="0.2"/> only a sentence or two <pause dur="0.4"/> for the whole defeat <pause dur="0.3"/> of the Brigantes themselves <pause dur="0.3"/> <reading>after a series of battles some of them by no means bloodless <pause dur="0.4"/> Petilius had overrun if not actually conquered <pause dur="0.3"/> the major part of their territory</reading> <pause dur="1.2"/> the very reference <pause dur="0.3"/> to a number of battles and not bloodless <pause dur="0.3"/> suggests that this was serious campaigning <pause dur="0.5"/>

and yet <pause dur="0.3"/> the details of it <pause dur="0.4"/> we know <pause dur="0.2"/> nothing <pause dur="2.7"/> and at that point <pause dur="1.4"/> we're ready <pause dur="0.2"/> to see <pause dur="0.2"/> the career <pause dur="0.2"/> of Agricola himself <pause dur="0.4"/> within Britain <pause dur="3.0"/> on the revised dating we begin in the year <trunc>s</trunc> # seventy-seven the arrival <pause dur="0.2"/> of Agricola within Britain <pause dur="0.8"/> and his immediate actions against the Ordovices <pause dur="0.3"/> who had <pause dur="0.4"/> according to Tacitus almost wiped out <pause dur="0.3"/> a squadron of the cavalry stationed in their territory <pause dur="0.5"/> and you remember last time i asked the question <pause dur="0.9"/> why would <pause dur="0.3"/> a <pause dur="0.9"/> squadron of cavalry be stationed <pause dur="0.6"/> in Ordovican territory <pause dur="0.4"/> if not <pause dur="0.2"/> because Agricola's <pause dur="0.3"/> predecessor <pause dur="0.5"/> Julius Frontinus <pause dur="0.3"/> had begun <pause dur="0.5"/> campaigning against them <pause dur="1.0"/> Tacitus gives us the evidence <pause dur="0.9"/> that this was not <pause dur="0.4"/> a new move by Agricola <pause dur="0.3"/> that his first actions in coming to Britain <pause dur="0.4"/> though they may have been <trunc>e</trunc> <pause dur="0.2"/> unexpected <pause dur="0.7"/> in the context of seventy-seven <pause dur="0.3"/> were not unprepared for <pause dur="0.2"/> that he was continuing a process <pause dur="2.5"/> and it's perfectly clear <pause dur="0.9"/> why Agricola <pause dur="0.3"/> was chosen <pause dur="2.0"/> for the purposes <pause dur="0.3"/> of <pause dur="0.2"/> governing Britain <pause dur="0.9"/> his experience <pause dur="0.8"/> twice before within the

province <pause dur="0.2"/> made him the ideal person <pause dur="0.4"/> for what <pause dur="1.2"/> Vespasian was contemplating at this point <pause dur="0.3"/> and that is <pause dur="0.3"/> a radical <pause dur="0.5"/> expansion <pause dur="1.0"/> of the provincial boundaries it had begun <pause dur="0.2"/> under <pause dur="0.4"/> Cerialis it had been <pause dur="0.4"/> # <pause dur="1.9"/> continued by Frontinus and now Agricola had been sent <pause dur="0.3"/> to continue it yet again <pause dur="1.0"/> the difference comes in the scale of the continuation <pause dur="0.4"/> that Agricola was able to achieve <pause dur="2.5"/> and <pause dur="1.0"/> the time <pause dur="0.2"/> that he was actually given to do it <pause dur="0.4"/> a double <pause dur="0.3"/> period <pause dur="0.6"/> six years <pause dur="0.2"/> rather than the normal <pause dur="0.5"/> three <pause dur="3.0"/> Agricola's achievement <pause dur="0.4"/> is graphically set out <pause dur="1.1"/> <reading>he cut to pieces almost the whole fighting force of the tribe <pause dur="0.7"/> this is akin to genocide <pause dur="0.5"/> he has removed the Ordovices <pause dur="0.3"/> as a fighting <pause dur="0.4"/> force altogether</reading> <pause dur="0.5"/> so we can take it that <pause dur="0.3"/> <trunc>no</trunc> that Wales <pause dur="0.2"/> is now effectively pacified <pause dur="0.4"/> meaning that the major push <pause dur="0.6"/> into the annexation <pause dur="0.3"/> of Brigantia is not likely <pause dur="0.4"/> to <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> meet with any setback <pause dur="0.4"/> # to the south </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> before that though <pause dur="0.7"/> we're given <pause dur="0.3"/> by Tacitus <pause dur="0.5"/> some evidence and some information about the non-military aspects <pause dur="0.4"/> of a governor's <pause dur="0.4"/> # control of a

province <pause dur="2.5"/> you remember when i dealt when i dealt with administration <pause dur="0.6"/> i mentioned that there were several different <pause dur="0.3"/> aspects <pause dur="0.6"/> to what a governor actually did <pause dur="0.6"/> in the summer he would be out <trunc>comp</trunc> campaigning <pause dur="0.6"/> if <pause dur="0.3"/> that was required by central <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="1.1"/> authorities by Rome itself <pause dur="0.8"/> the winter months <pause dur="0.7"/> were given over to civil administration <pause dur="0.5"/> to the administration <pause dur="0.3"/> of law cases <pause dur="0.7"/> to ensuring <pause dur="0.2"/> that the romanization of a province <pause dur="0.6"/> went ahead <pause dur="0.4"/> that towns were established <pause dur="0.3"/> that the trappings of Romin Roman life <pause dur="0.4"/> were set up <pause dur="0.3"/> and this is actually <pause dur="0.2"/> well set out <pause dur="0.4"/> by Tacitus <pause dur="0.5"/> though whether in fact <pause dur="1.1"/> the picture that we get from Tacitus <trunc>a</trunc> <pause dur="0.7"/> of his father-in-law as an exception in doing this <pause dur="0.3"/> as somebody very energetic <pause dur="0.6"/> in <pause dur="0.3"/> his process of romanization <pause dur="0.6"/> is <pause dur="1.5"/> correct <pause dur="0.2"/> or whether it's just an exaggeration <pause dur="0.3"/> of what <pause dur="0.4"/> any governor <pause dur="0.4"/> was expected to do <pause dur="0.4"/> is something <pause dur="0.2"/> of a moot point <pause dur="2.2"/> first of all <pause dur="2.5"/> Tacitus continues the theme that he's already introduced <pause dur="0.9"/> of his <pause dur="1.5"/> father-in-law's sense of proportion <pause dur="0.7"/> overlooking minor

offences <pause dur="0.3"/> but stamping down on major ones <pause dur="0.4"/> quite ruthlessly <pause dur="1.0"/> of preparing <pause dur="0.3"/> of preferring to accept repentance <pause dur="0.3"/> from somebody who regretted previous actions <pause dur="0.3"/> rather than having <pause dur="0.5"/> to <pause dur="0.2"/> discipline <pause dur="2.9"/> stamping out abuses <pause dur="1.1"/> this is something <pause dur="0.2"/> that <pause dur="0.3"/> Tacitus suggests <pause dur="0.2"/> was peculiar <pause dur="0.6"/> to <pause dur="0.7"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.2"/> yet it can't have been <pause dur="1.9"/> certainly <pause dur="0.4"/> abuses there must have been we know that we know it <trunc>w</trunc> the <pause dur="0.5"/> from <pause dur="0.2"/> way back in the time of <pause dur="0.5"/> of # Cicero <pause dur="0.4"/> in the first century B-C <pause dur="0.4"/> in his speeches against Verres <pause dur="0.3"/> who had <pause dur="0.3"/> # proven to be an extremely <pause dur="0.5"/> # corrupt <pause dur="0.6"/> governor <pause dur="1.8"/> the potential for corruption was there <pause dur="0.4"/> but each <pause dur="0.2"/> governor <pause dur="0.4"/> was no doubt supposed to <pause dur="0.4"/> deal with it <pause dur="0.3"/> what kinds of <pause dur="1.7"/> of # <pause dur="0.4"/> corruption might there be <pause dur="0.9"/> Tacitus actually gives us <pause dur="0.5"/> quite a good picture of two aspects two aspects <pause dur="0.5"/> concerned with <pause dur="0.2"/> the food supply <pause dur="0.4"/> which of course was an exceptionally important <pause dur="0.5"/> # <pause dur="0.7"/> part <pause dur="0.2"/> of <pause dur="0.4"/> any <pause dur="0.5"/> # civilian <pause dur="0.5"/> administration <pause dur="1.8"/> you remember <pause dur="0.7"/> when i dealt with taxation i <trunc>men</trunc> i mentioned that there was a direct tax <pause dur="0.4"/> upon <pause dur="0.5"/> the natives <pause dur="5.1"/><kinesic desc="writes on board" iterated="y" dur="4"/>

the Annona tax <pause dur="0.8"/> upon grain <pause dur="0.6"/> it was essentially <pause dur="0.2"/> a tax <pause dur="0.2"/> to feed <pause dur="0.4"/> the personnel of the administration <pause dur="0.4"/> and to feed the army <pause dur="0.4"/> to feed the garrison <pause dur="2.6"/> any such tax <pause dur="0.4"/> according to Tacitus <pause dur="0.2"/> <trunc>ena</trunc> <trunc>wh</trunc> <pause dur="0.2"/> enabled those # # enforcing it <pause dur="0.7"/> to <pause dur="0.2"/> extract <pause dur="0.3"/> profit <pause dur="0.2"/> for themselves <pause dur="1.8"/> how did they do it <pause dur="0.4"/> two ways according to Tacitus <pause dur="1.6"/> <reading>provincials were made to wait outside locked granaries in order to go through the farce <pause dur="0.2"/> of buying corn <pause dur="0.2"/> to deliver to the governor <pause dur="0.5"/> thus <pause dur="0.3"/> in fact being compelled to discharge their obligations by monied payments</reading> <pause dur="0.2"/> that's the first one <pause dur="0.4"/> what does it mean <pause dur="0.4"/> well <pause dur="0.9"/> the natives <pause dur="0.4"/> have to <pause dur="0.2"/> hand over <pause dur="0.7"/> a specific amount of grain <pause dur="1.0"/> to <pause dur="0.4"/> the Roman authorities they are paid a nominal amount for it <pause dur="1.0"/> but that nominal amount for # falls far short <pause dur="0.6"/> of the market value <pause dur="0.6"/> so it is effectively a tax <pause dur="1.7"/> in a bad year <pause dur="1.5"/> when they don't have <pause dur="0.2"/> enough grain to hand over <pause dur="1.1"/> without perhaps <pause dur="0.2"/> starving themselves to death during the winter <pause dur="1.0"/> they nevertheless have to hand over to the Romans X

number of tons where does it come from <pause dur="1.9"/> this is not the time when one can simply go to Cannon Park <pause dur="0.3"/> and buy it from Tesco's <pause dur="1.5"/> the only <pause dur="0.4"/> supplier <pause dur="0.7"/> of <pause dur="0.3"/> large scale amounts of grain <pause dur="0.3"/> within Britain <pause dur="2.5"/> is the Roman army itself <pause dur="1.1"/> because <pause dur="0.9"/> the governor <pause dur="0.2"/> had to ensure <pause dur="1.9"/> that <pause dur="0.2"/> at each harvest <pause dur="1.5"/> each military station had enough grain <pause dur="0.6"/> to last it through to the next harvest <pause dur="1.0"/> with <pause dur="0.4"/> some in reserve <pause dur="0.2"/> just in case <pause dur="0.5"/><vocal desc="clears throat" iterated="n"/><pause dur="0.2"/> just in case for instance <pause dur="0.8"/> a particular fort <pause dur="0.3"/> had to take in additional troops <pause dur="2.3"/> so <pause dur="0.2"/> the army <pause dur="0.2"/> was a net <pause dur="0.2"/> stockpiler <pause dur="0.4"/> of grain <pause dur="2.0"/> and any tribe that fell short <pause dur="0.5"/> in its <pause dur="0.8"/> amount of grain to be delivered <pause dur="0.5"/> had only one source to buy it from <pause dur="0.5"/> and that was from the Romans <pause dur="0.9"/> so that's what's being referred to here <pause dur="2.5"/> the natives have to buy it <pause dur="0.8"/> from the Romans <pause dur="0.4"/> at market price <pause dur="1.0"/> in order to hand it back to the Romans <pause dur="0.4"/> by way of the Annona tax <pause dur="0.4"/> at nominal price <pause dur="1.1"/> net result <pause dur="0.6"/> a tax <pause dur="0.3"/> in actual monetary terms </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> another method <pause dur="0.2"/> of making <pause dur="0.4"/> a little bit on the side <pause dur="0.2"/> for any corrupt official <pause dur="0.5"/> <reading>delivery would be ordered to the <pause dur="0.3"/>

to out of the way destinations at the other end of the country <pause dur="0.8"/> so that states or tribes which had permanent camps close to them <pause dur="0.7"/> were told to send supplies to remote and inaccessible spots</reading> <pause dur="1.3"/> the local official <pause dur="2.0"/> whose responsibility it was <pause dur="0.5"/> to accept <pause dur="0.8"/> the <pause dur="0.2"/> tribe's <pause dur="0.2"/> grain supply <pause dur="1.2"/> would insead instead insist that that grain <pause dur="0.3"/> be shipped to the other end of the country <pause dur="0.9"/> so <pause dur="0.9"/> a tribe from the deep south instead of being allowed to <pause dur="0.2"/> ship the grain <pause dur="0.3"/> cheaply <pause dur="0.3"/> to the nearest Roman stations <pause dur="0.3"/> would be <trunc>se</trunc> told to send it <pause dur="0.5"/> # up <pause dur="0.2"/> to Brigantia <pause dur="0.2"/> and to supply York instead <pause dur="2.8"/> what were the methods <pause dur="0.2"/> of bulk <pause dur="0.8"/> transportation <pause dur="0.3"/> at this period <pause dur="0.2"/> well <pause dur="1.6"/> either by water <pause dur="2.4"/> in other words using the navigable rivers <pause dur="0.7"/> or over land <pause dur="0.4"/> and eventually there is going to be an overland <pause dur="0.4"/> element to it <pause dur="0.8"/> from one river system to another <pause dur="1.1"/> overland transport <pause dur="0.2"/> by ox cart was A extremely slow since you could <pause dur="0.5"/> the the ox would progress at probably one mile an hour <pause dur="0.9"/> and secondly as a result extremely expensive <pause dur="1.8"/> so a tribe told to <trunc>ex</trunc>

to to shift grain <pause dur="0.3"/> from A to B <pause dur="0.9"/> when that was a large distance <pause dur="0.3"/> would be <trunc>fa</trunc> would be faced by an extremely <pause dur="0.7"/> # <pause dur="0.2"/> heavy <pause dur="0.7"/> # amount of expenditure <pause dur="0.2"/> in achieving that <pause dur="1.0"/> however one can imagine the scenario <pause dur="0.3"/> if for a consideration <pause dur="0.6"/> # the # official <pause dur="0.3"/> might be prevailed upon <pause dur="1.0"/> to take the <pause dur="0.4"/> grain into a local <pause dur="0.9"/> # military stations <pause dur="0.3"/> then everybody would be happy <pause dur="0.6"/> the tribe would be happy well it would be happy in so far as it hadn't had to bleed itself dry <pause dur="0.5"/> # arranging for transportation costs <pause dur="0.6"/> # the army would be happy because they would have the grain <pause dur="0.3"/> and the official involved would be happy because he had had a backhander <pause dur="0.3"/> of no inconsiderable amount <pause dur="1.0"/> so <pause dur="0.5"/><vocal desc="clears throat" iterated="n"/><pause dur="0.3"/> that's <pause dur="0.2"/> the other <pause dur="0.4"/> form <pause dur="0.2"/> of corruption <pause dur="0.5"/> in the Annona tax that Tacitus mentions <pause dur="3.5"/> Agricola is presented as somebody who <pause dur="1.8"/> checks <pause dur="0.3"/> these <pause dur="0.5"/> forms of corruption <pause dur="2.8"/> having given us this civilian aspect <pause dur="0.2"/> he <pause dur="0.2"/> then goes on <pause dur="0.2"/> to deal with eighty-nine the push <pause dur="0.3"/> northwards <pause dur="0.4"/> the <pause dur="0.6"/> # <pause dur="0.6"/> annexation <pause dur="0.4"/> of Brigantia <pause dur="2.4"/> we saw last

time the number of <pause dur="0.5"/> # camps <pause dur="0.2"/> within north Britain that can be attributed <pause dur="0.9"/> to <pause dur="0.4"/> Agricola <pause dur="1.0"/> we saw how <pause dur="0.2"/> they <pause dur="0.6"/> line themselves up <pause dur="0.9"/> with a double <pause dur="1.3"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> double route of of # <pause dur="0.2"/> progress northwards an east route and a west route <pause dur="0.3"/> they that's <pause dur="0.2"/> basically referred to here <pause dur="0.3"/> <reading>a ring of garrisoned force was placed around them</reading> <pause dur="0.2"/> that's the Brigantes <pause dur="2.3"/> then before <pause dur="0.4"/> we get to seventy-nine <pause dur="0.5"/> yet another <pause dur="0.7"/> aspect <pause dur="0.4"/> of # <pause dur="0.5"/> the civilian activities that a governor might engage in <pause dur="0.6"/> during the # <pause dur="0.3"/> winter <pause dur="1.0"/> the romanization <pause dur="1.4"/> of the civilian population or at least the upper echelons of Romano-British society <pause dur="1.0"/> what Tacitus <pause dur="1.1"/> refers to as <reading>the demoralizing temptations of arcades baths <pause dur="0.4"/> and sumptuous <pause dur="0.2"/> banquets <pause dur="0.4"/> the unsuspecting Britons spoke of such novelties as civilization <pause dur="0.5"/> when in fact they were only a feature <pause dur="0.4"/> of their enslavement</reading> <pause dur="1.5"/> it's <pause dur="0.6"/> putting it in a rather negative way but this is the inevitable <pause dur="0.8"/> # <pause dur="1.1"/> process <pause dur="0.4"/> by which <pause dur="0.7"/> Rome <pause dur="1.3"/> absorbed <pause dur="0.3"/> the upper echelons of society <pause dur="0.4"/> into <pause dur="0.4"/> the Roman <pause dur="0.2"/> way of life <pause dur="0.6"/> and once these

people had been romanized of course they were less likely as a result <pause dur="0.4"/> to want to throw off Roman rule <pause dur="0.7"/> and it's all part of course <pause dur="0.3"/> of the process <pause dur="0.6"/> by which <pause dur="0.2"/> authority for self-government for local government <pause dur="0.3"/> is shifted onto the natives <pause dur="0.2"/> thereby avoiding the expense <pause dur="0.4"/> to the central <pause dur="0.2"/> authority <pause dur="2.2"/> from there <pause dur="1.8"/> Tacitus goes on to the campaigns <pause dur="0.3"/> of seventy-nine <pause dur="0.5"/> the campaigns that <pause dur="0.4"/> take us <pause dur="0.5"/> to the end of the third year of Agricola's <pause dur="1.4"/> period in Britain <pause dur="0.8"/> the end of what <pause dur="0.3"/> would normally have been <pause dur="0.4"/> his period as governor <pause dur="1.6"/> it takes Agricola <pause dur="0.2"/> as far north <pause dur="0.4"/> as the River Tay <pause dur="0.7"/> he <pause dur="0.2"/> brings in southern Scotland <pause dur="5.1"/> and achieves a radical new <pause dur="0.8"/> expansion <pause dur="0.5"/> of Roman control </u><gap reason="break in recording" extent="uncertain"/> <u who="nm0050" trans="pause"> we're told that Agricola established a number of forts <pause dur="0.3"/> in the area <pause dur="0.4"/> not least along the line <pause dur="0.4"/> between the Forth and the Clyde <pause dur="0.8"/> yet as we saw last week <pause dur="1.6"/> the actual positioning of known Agricolan <pause dur="0.4"/> stations there <pause dur="0.5"/> is less numerous <pause dur="0.7"/> than Tacitus would have us believe <pause dur="2.1"/> the next year <pause dur="0.6"/> eighty <pause dur="1.0"/> is a consolidatory year <pause dur="1.7"/> the same <pause dur="0.4"/> with the year after <pause dur="0.5"/> and one asks

the question <pause dur="0.4"/> why if Agricola <pause dur="0.5"/> is sent to Britain by Vespasian <pause dur="1.3"/> to engage in a major expansion of the province does he spend two years <pause dur="0.8"/> halted <pause dur="1.1"/> in southern Scotland <pause dur="0.9"/> engaged in consolidation <pause dur="2.7"/> certainly consolidation was a <pause dur="0.2"/> process <pause dur="0.3"/> that we might have expected <pause dur="1.7"/> but was it also to be seen in the context of <pause dur="0.4"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.6"/> not thinking that his period in office <pause dur="0.5"/> would last much longer and therefore not being willing <pause dur="0.4"/> to engage in major expansion <pause dur="0.3"/> <trunc>fort</trunc> # north of the Tay <pause dur="1.4"/> is it also a signal <pause dur="0.8"/> that there'd been a major shift <pause dur="0.3"/> in central Roman policy towards Britain <pause dur="0.8"/> after all <pause dur="0.4"/> in the year seventy-nine <pause dur="0.5"/> Vespasian had died and was succeeded <pause dur="0.4"/> by <pause dur="0.3"/> his elder son <pause dur="0.2"/> Titus <pause dur="1.2"/> that period of consolidation actually coincides with <pause dur="0.6"/> Titus' whole reign <pause dur="0.7"/> he died after all <pause dur="0.5"/> in eighty-one <pause dur="1.5"/> so is it this actually not Agricola's policy <pause dur="0.5"/> of consolidation but Titus' <pause dur="0.7"/> of not being <pause dur="0.3"/> willing <pause dur="0.5"/> to <pause dur="0.6"/> go further beyond the Tay <pause dur="1.9"/> but rather <pause dur="0.8"/> consolidating what had already been gained <pause dur="1.4"/> before <pause dur="1.6"/> venturing any further <pause dur="4.0"/> this perhaps <pause dur="0.3"/> is

what what lies behind <pause dur="0.4"/> the opening statement <pause dur="0.3"/> of chapter twenty-three <pause dur="0.8"/> <reading>the fourth summer was spent in securing the district already overrun <pause dur="0.8"/> and if the valour of our army and the glory of <trunc>r</trunc> # of Rome had permitted such a thing a good place for halting the advance <pause dur="0.3"/> was found in Britain itself</reading> that's the Forth Clyde line <pause dur="0.6"/> where you get a narrowishness <pause dur="0.3"/> of land in between those two <pause dur="0.3"/> estuaries <pause dur="0.9"/> is that what <pause dur="0.2"/> the <pause dur="0.5"/> glory of Rome <pause dur="0.4"/> and the valour of the army is actually referring to <pause dur="0.2"/> a <trunc>sh</trunc> a <pause dur="0.4"/> policy shift <pause dur="0.4"/> actually back with the emperor <pause dur="1.1"/> the fifth campaign <pause dur="0.2"/> according to Tacitus is spent <pause dur="0.8"/> bringing in those areas of southern Scotland that had been bypassed the Galloway peninsula <pause dur="0.4"/> as we saw last time <pause dur="1.0"/> this is where it is that Agricola <pause dur="0.7"/> is said to have # had the pipe dream <pause dur="0.3"/> of invading <pause dur="0.2"/> Ireland <pause dur="4.4"/> one can understand why Agricola might want to <pause dur="0.5"/> bring in <pause dur="0.3"/> the Galloway peninsula <pause dur="0.2"/> after all it had <pause dur="0.2"/> not been touched by Rome <pause dur="0.8"/> # in the push northwards <pause dur="0.9"/> and if there was to be

any further expansion north of the Tay <pause dur="0.4"/> then certainly <pause dur="1.1"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.4"/> needed <pause dur="0.4"/> to make sure that there wasn't going to be <pause dur="0.4"/> any trouble <pause dur="0.5"/> behind him <pause dur="1.6"/> at that point i think we'll <pause dur="0.2"/> end for today but before <pause dur="0.8"/> before you all pack up and go away <pause dur="0.9"/> i just want as it were to <pause dur="0.2"/> set the scene a little bit <pause dur="0.8"/> from the point of view of the scale of <pause dur="0.5"/> our evidence for for Agricola altogether <pause dur="0.5"/> last time i dealt with the <pause dur="0.6"/> the various forms of camp <pause dur="0.4"/> this week and <pause dur="0.3"/> tomorrow <pause dur="0.9"/> i'm going to be dealing with Tacitus <pause dur="0.5"/> once you move beyond that <pause dur="0.7"/> once you move beyond as it were the <pause dur="0.9"/> the camps <pause dur="0.2"/> which <pause dur="1.1"/> tell a partial story because they're not <pause dur="0.2"/> they don't <pause dur="0.2"/> generally have <trunc>an</trunc> well they don't <pause dur="0.5"/> full stop <pause dur="0.3"/> have <pause dur="0.2"/> any <pause dur="0.6"/> # inscriptional evidence attached to them <pause dur="0.9"/> once one moves beyond the literary source of Tacitus <pause dur="0.2"/> there is virtually no evidence <pause dur="0.4"/> for Agricola at all in this country <pause dur="1.1"/> all that there <trunc>re</trunc> are <pause dur="0.6"/> # is in fact # are four <pause dur="1.2"/> inscriptions <pause dur="2.7"/><event desc="wipes board" iterated="y" dur="2"/> just clear the board <pause dur="0.3"/> # <pause dur="0.5"/> oh <pause dur="0.4"/> it won't clear <pause dur="1.1"/> oh dear <pause dur="0.3"/>

never mind <pause dur="1.5"/> i think we need something wet <pause dur="1.0"/> for it <pause dur="0.6"/> no <pause dur="0.5"/> what we have <pause dur="1.1"/> are <pause dur="0.2"/> three lead pipes <pause dur="0.2"/> from Chester <pause dur="1.1"/> now they're not insignificant in their own <pause dur="0.6"/> in their own right because they <pause dur="0.4"/> they are part <pause dur="0.5"/> of <pause dur="0.2"/> the <pause dur="0.5"/> # process <pause dur="0.2"/> of <pause dur="1.2"/> romanization <pause dur="0.4"/> the establishment of towns and amenities <pause dur="0.3"/> within towns the very fact that they've got Agricola's name <pause dur="0.3"/> on them <pause dur="0.3"/> shows this is an official <pause dur="0.6"/> # an officially designated an officially sanctioned process <pause dur="1.3"/> so we've got <pause dur="0.4"/> three lead pipes <pause dur="0.4"/> from Chester <pause dur="0.4"/> and we have a fragmentary inscription <pause dur="0.4"/> from Saint Albans <pause dur="1.1"/> from the forum there dedicating the forum <pause dur="0.8"/> and if we put that <pause dur="0.2"/> on <pause dur="1.2"/> <kinesic desc="turns on projector showing slide" iterated="n"/> and # <pause dur="1.2"/> switch the light off and if you can see <pause dur="1.6"/><event desc="turns off lights" iterated="n"/> past <pause dur="0.2"/> the scribble on the <pause dur="0.6"/> board <pause dur="4.8"/> i've said this in the <pause dur="0.3"/> source book so you can see <pause dur="0.6"/> that the shaded parts here <pause dur="0.9"/> yes the shaded parts are actually the bits that exist <pause dur="1.6"/> the rest <pause dur="0.3"/> is restoration what have we got <pause dur="0.7"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> got a bit of the name of Vespasian <pause dur="0.8"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> a little bit of the name of Vespasian <pause dur="0.2"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> part of the

fact that he was consul designate <pause dur="1.5"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> all <pause dur="0.6"/> we have three letters from Agricola's name G-R-I <pause dur="0.8"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> we have the name of the town well <pause dur="0.8"/> one letter <pause dur="0.5"/> and <pause dur="0.5"/> a part of another <pause dur="0.5"/> so we've got V-E <kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> <pause dur="0.4"/><kinesic desc="indicates point on slide" iterated="n"/> and we have <pause dur="0.8"/> that bit there which is propraetorian legate <pause dur="0.3"/> and the fact that the Basilica <pause dur="0.3"/> was <trunc>order</trunc> # was # ornamented <pause dur="2.6"/> the only way we actually can establish that is the fact that <pause dur="0.2"/> many of these inscriptions are purely <pause dur="0.6"/> functional <pause dur="0.6"/> and go by rote <pause dur="0.6"/> there are so many formula <pause dur="0.2"/> in it <pause dur="0.7"/> that one can <pause dur="0.5"/> have a pretty good stab <pause dur="0.2"/> at <pause dur="0.2"/> restoring it <pause dur="0.7"/> but take it away and you can see <pause dur="0.6"/> that <pause dur="0.5"/> in terms of inscription <pause dur="1.4"/> Agricola <pause dur="0.2"/> is essentially a non-event <pause dur="0.4"/> within Romano-British history <pause dur="1.3"/> so one really has to set the <pause dur="0.2"/> the sources <pause dur="0.3"/> within a <pause dur="0.2"/> tight <pause dur="0.4"/> parameter frame <pause dur="1.4"/> we are very limited <pause dur="0.3"/> even though we <pause dur="0.2"/> seem to have <pause dur="0.4"/> so much <pause dur="0.4"/> to deal with the # <pause dur="0.4"/> the career of Agricola <pause dur="0.8"/> and at that <pause dur="0.2"/> i'll leave you <pause dur="0.6"/> to # <pause dur="0.4"/> evaporate