Georgian Britain (HI284)
Please note that this module has been
temporarily withdrawn and is therefore
not available to students in 2016/17.
We look back now to the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as the time of origins of modernity: commercial and industrial revolutions; demographic transition; imperial expansion; the rise of working-class and artisan radicalism; and the emergence of the bourgeois public sphere. But this time of origins and transitions was also cast in contradictions and conflict: riches and poverty; markets and slaves; gender divisions; private life and public virtue; consumers and criminals; enlightened rationalism and religious enthusiasm, oligarchic government and popular radicalism. The eighteenth century was the great time of possibilities, opportunities, new directions and identities, but no certainties of what these were to be. This undergraduate second-year option module provides an overview of these and other themes of a society creating itself anew.
Seminar 1: Britishness and identity
- How strong is your national identity?
- What is Britishness?
- What other identities do you have and how do they overlap with your national identity?
- Bill of Rights
- Montesquieu, Notes on England (1729/30)
- Hogarth, Gates of Calais 1748 - This painting was inspired by Hogarth’s ill-fated trip to France in 1748. While waiting in Calais for a boat home, he was seized by a French soldier as he sketched the old city gate. Having convinced his captors that he was an artist rather than a secret agent, he was summarily despatched to England. Hogarth expended all his Francophobic vitriol into the creation of this image, which is dominated by an English sirloin steak being slavered over by a gluttonous friar and a pair of half-starved soldiers. Famously, Hogarth inserts a self-portrait into the painting on the left, in which he is shown just on the point of being captured.
- Gordon Brown's speech on 'Britishness'
- John Bull images - see sub page via tab on left hand of page
L. Brockliss and D. Eastwood, A Union of Multiple Identities: The British Isles 1750-1850 (1997)
E. Evans, ‘English identity in the18th century’ in C.Bjorn, A.Grant and K.Stringer (eds), Nations, Nationalism and Patriotism in the European Past (1994)
G. Newman, The rise of English Nationalism: a Cultural History 1740-1830 (1987)
M. Pittock, Inventing and resisting Britain : cultural identities in Britain and Ireland 1685-1789 (1997)
J. Smyth, The Making of the United Kingdom 1660-1800 (2001)
john bull images
Term 1: Identity, political culture and revolutions
Introduction: the module's themes
The seventeenth century legacy and the uses of the past
Click the play button above for a short podcast summarising the lecture or the download link for the mp3 file.
|Practicalities and a discussion of Britishness/identity
Religious identity: anti-Catholicism, the Church of England and dissent
Political identity and popular protest: Whigs, Jacobitism, Excise Crisis. Powerpoint
War and State Formation
Imperial identities: the 'first British Empire'
The 'second British Empire'
Film Viewing: 3 December (Friday) in Hum 4.02 at 1900
Term 2: Week 1
Radicalism and the French Revolution
| Popular politics
The Electoral System
The Domestic Impact of the Napoleonic Wars
Discussion of long essays
Consumerism, luxury goods and colonial commodities
|India and the East India Company|
Slavery and Anti-Slavery
Enlightenment and Scientific Culture
Cultures of Collecting
Patrician and Plebeian
Film Viewing: 11 March (Friday) Room H2.03 at 1900
Term 3: Week 1
Crime and punishment
PLEASE NOTE: ON ACCOUNT OF THE BANK HOLIDAY THE LECTURE WILL TAKE PLACE ON TUESDAY 3 MAY AT 9.00 IN H1.48
SEMINAR GROUP A (NEUFELD) WILL TAKE PLACE AT 10.00 IN H4. 01
|Week 3||Class: patricians and plebians; see Term Two, Week 10 for Powerpoint and Podcast||Revision seminars|
Group A: Mondays, 1200 to 1300, Room Hum. 3.46
Group B: Tuesdays, 1300 to 1400, Room Hum. 3.46
Dr Neufeld's Office Hours: Mondays, 1500 to 1630, Room Hum. 3.10
Mr McEvoy's Office Hours: Tuesdays, 1000 to 1200, Room Hum. 3.20
LECTURE 1 - CONTINUITIES AND TRANSITIONS
18th C. Europe and especially Britain is frequently identified as the epoch and the place for the great transition to modernity
-this course is largely about the rise of a commercial society in England, and
what this meant for the cultural history of ordinary people as well as the elites.
18thC. British society in a long historical and global context.
-the key words we associate with the 18th. - world trade, cities, the middling classes, consumer culture, fashion and style
-these were also key features of China's Song dynasty (960-1368)
China was a highly urbanised society - by the early 18thC. when London exceeded 500,000 China's porcelain city - Jingdezchen had a million - even here it was exceeded by
Japan's Edo (Tokyo) which reached this size in the 17thC
The Asian Mediterranean and Europe’s trade with China
The Macartney Expedition of 1792-3
2.Turning points and new histories
short period bet. 1780 and 1820 was seen as setting great breaks with the past -
*the agricultural and industrial revolutions,
*the time of a rapid and sustained upward turning in population,
*a time of new British imperial domination of the sea routes and colonies,
*a time of enlightenment and the rise of a newly self-confident middle class,
*a time of the emergence of artisan of artisan and political radicalism.
Recently historians have not been so sure
The global century
1. The landscape
The British continuously reduced their share of labour occupied in agriculture
2. Urban society
What really made Britian different from the rest of Europe during this time - was not just her metropolis, but the rapid growth of her smaller towns and cities - 24% of the population lived in towns of over 10,000 by 1800. - about 40% counted themselves as urban dwellers
3. Growth of Population
Western European marriage system
African slave trade
4. Population - What happened?
England in 1550 contained 3 million people - only 4.9% of the population of Western Europe.
France at the time had 17 million people
By 1840 this share had risen to 10.5% or 18.5 million
The Sources of population growth
Explanations for this growth are divided into declining mortality and increasing fertility
-but fertility counted for 2/3 - 64% of this difference
5. Why did birth rates rise?
1.fertility rates of married women rose; .
2.women married earlier in life;
3.the prop. of women who remained single fell
4.the fertility rates of unmarried women rose
-all four factors changed in the long 18thC.
the big population study led by Wrigley and Schofield in the 1970s and 1980s discovered that over the course of the 18th C. there more marriages and earlier marriages
-the age that women married dropped from 26 to 23.5 - the effect of this was to produce a rise of 20% in marital fertility
marriage increasingly becoming the preserve of the young.
-marriages in which the groom was 20-4 and the bride was in the same age group or in her teens - 41% of all marriages in period 1775-1837 - in 1600-1724 were only 22%
What is notable is the growth in the fertility rates for young women aged between 15 and 19, and the numbers of women pregnant on marriage - early 19thC. one quarter of all first births were prenuptially conceived - a further quarter were illegimate. - in the late 17thC. the proportions were 7% in both cases.
-impact of fall in mortality less than rise in fertility
An overall improve. in expectation of life at birth which as absent at the start of the period.
6. Economic explanations
the connections between population growth and price or wage changes was broken in the later 18thC.
-incentives to rising fertility were provided by changing models of marriage and the family, by changes in the labour market which increased the demand for female labour, and by changes in the poor law
7. Cultural Factors
the key shifts we see are the changing sexual behavior of young men and women - and especially women - the behaviour of those in the age group between 15 and 19 changes most rapidly of all - they marry earlier - they are pregnant when they marry, and they have more illegitimate offspring.
courtship and betrothal rituals in plebeian communities
Consumption, work and lifestyle
MARKETS AND CUSTOM
1. Market as Pphysical Place or as Metaphor
2. Market as Physical Space
- How were goods bought and sold?
- Fairs, pedlars, retail shops
3. Fairs & Pedlars
- c. 3,200 fairs in England Wales in 1756
- the major international fairs were great international events of the early modern and eighteenth-century world
- major national fairs brought tog. wide range of traders
- most districts had a general purpose annual fair - also acted as labour market
- also network of weekly markets with royal charters - 1693 - 680 active markets in Eng. & Wales - 728 in 1792
- pedlars and hawkers - were innovative, aggressive and pushing salesmen and women - sold the full range of fashion goods
- evolution of shops
- numbers & types of shops in the eighteenth century
- numbers of shops
- excise records 1759
- ratio of population to shops for England and Wales – 43.3 – survey in 1785 showed an average of 54.8 persons per shop
- there were 32,234 with licences to sell tea
5. The market and custom
- manorial custom
- manorial custom defined common rights and copyhold privileges for landholders
- custom and common rights
- enforcement of custom in local manorial courts
- custom over gleaning, game taking, tenant rights of widows etc.
- the custom of the trades
- Tudor and Stuart wage legislation - had been set up to contain claims for high wages in period of inflation
- nforce of notion of customary minimum wage in times of decaying trade
- the custom of markets
- Any market, now or in the past, exists within the framework of an institutional structure of laws, practices and administration.
- in the early modern period there was a legislation and administration for overseeing of markets
- fears of profiteering middlemen raising prices
6. Markets and Middlemen
7. Grain markets and food
- forestallers, regrators and engrossers
- laws against forestalling (buying and selling again for a profit in the same market or nearby)
- engrossing - buying large quantitites for resale - punishable by fine and imprison.
- Book of Orders 1630 empowered magistrates to survey the corn stocks in barns and granaries, to order quantities to be sent to market; to enforce with severity every part of the marketing, licensing and forestalling legislation
- no corn to be sold except in open market - did not explicitly empower justices to set the price, but ordered them to attend the market and ensure that the poor were `provided of necessary Corne' - fell into disuse during Civil War - but powerful popular memory of it & invoked in 18thC.
8. Food riots
- grain riots of 1766 - concentrated in rural cloth districts of Gloucestershire & Wiltshire, central Midlands and East Anglia
- central govt. felt that condemnation of middleman was counter-prod.- stressed free movement of grain
9. Wages and custom
- wage-fixing by magistrates fell into disuse by mid-century - re-estab. in woollen trade in 1756 then repealed - repeal of Statute of Artificers in 1815
- role of informal custom over materials which bec. an accepted part of wages - bec. changed into embezzlement in course of the 18thC.
- look at prosecutions for theft of a whole range of things - coal, beaver fur, timber, silk, sugar, pins and needles, pewter, tobacco, calico, coffee, indigo cochineal, lead type, beer, tea, planes and saws, silver and gold - defences offered were that these were perquisites -accepted as part of customary wage
MIDDLING SORT TO MIDDLE CLASS
1. Definitions of Middling Classes
- servant - a few pounds a year plus board
- journeyman, small tradesman - ,8-,35 a year
- 50 a year necessary to maintain basics of middling class
- 40 a year level at which liability to pay the poor rate
- London - c. 2-3% in 1798 in the upper income bracket (av. ,200 a year)
- 16-21% in the middling bracket - ,80-139 a year
- remaining 75% a diverse body of small shopkeepers, smaller independent artisans, wage labourers and the unemployed
- The urban population of England grew from 850,000 in 1700 (17% of pop) to 2.38 mil. in 1801 (27.5% of pop.)
- [Definition of urban - towns over 5,000]
- 2/3 of growth occurred outside London- were c. 170,000 urban middling people in 1700 and c. 475,000 in 1801 - leaves out all those in villages and smaller county towns
- Compare to numbers in gentry - were c. 1,000 families in upper gentry, 2,000 in lesser gentry - & c. 10,000 in group calling themselves gentlemen
- Appetite for social status
- Gentlemen and merchants
- Regional divisions
- Polite society and the rest
3. Consumer Goods for the Middle Classes
- Taxes: poor rates, house and window taxes and especially stamp and excise duties; new carriage and coach taxes, plate tax, servant taxes.
- Apothecaries and lawyers
- Genteel poverty
6. Credit and Debt
- Wholesale credit - 6 months - a year
- Retail credit - 3, 4, 6 months
- Debt - Courts of Conscience
- Bankruptcy laws - 1706 - could only be declared if debtor owed more than ,100 to a single creditor 1-2% of population declared bankrupt annually
- Societies for the Reformation of Manners
8. Commercial Education
- In 1500 c. 1% of women and 10% of men could read and write - by 1800 c. 40% of women and 60% of men were able to do so. The men who read were mainly from the gentry, the professionals, government officials, retail traders and skilled tradesmen.
- Among women - domestic servants had rates much lower than 40% - but women in the needle trades c. 70% - shopkeepers, midwives and
- Schooltreachers were 80-100% literate
- Accounting and book keeping
- The Dissenting Academies
Key Reading: Penny Corfield, Power and The Professions in Britain 1700-1850 (London, 1995), chaps. 1,2,7
1. Knowledge and Power
- `Mystery', demeanor and clothing
- Jargon and ethos
- Numbers:-c. 1700 Gregory King est'd 10,000 householders `in the Law', also 10,000 clerics (2,000 eminent, 8,000 lesser - & another 16,000 were 'Persons in the Sciences and Liberal Arts' - doctors c. 8,000 - probabaly an overestimate
- two legal traditions - England - law based on mixture of parliamentary statute and interprettive case law
- Scots law - based on Roman civil law as modified by Eng. case law
- Sir Matthew Hale -The History of the Common Law & Analysis of the Law 1713
- superseded by Sir William Blackstone's 4 vol. Commentaries
- 1756-9 - set out Engl's common law as a set of principles
- Act of 1733 - all proceedings in England's law courts & Scotland's Exchequer courts to be conducted & recorded in English rather than law-Latin
- attornies in central law courts and regional courts - 1729-31 - 10,183 enrolled - but some enrolled for two or more courts c. 5,500-6,000 in the lower branch of the law in early 1730s
- `Law Society'.
- Medical dress
- Collective Identity - Portraiture
- William and John Hunter
- Man Midwifery
- Hierarchy: Physicians
- Dissection: Act of 1752
- Anatomy Act of 1832
- Expansion of healthcare
- Medical schools
- 1726 - Edinburgh University - School of Medicine founded
- England: private medical schools - foundation of great teaching hospitals - 1746-83 - William Hunter ran famous Great Windmill Street School for anatomy and dissection
- Famous hospitals founded in the 18th Century: - The Westminster -1720, Guy's- 1724, St. George's - 1783 - the London- 1740, the Middlesex, 1745 - the Lying-In Hospital and the Rotunda in Dublin, 1745 & 1757, Addenbrooke's Hospital in Cambridge 1766, Radcliffe Infirmary at Oxford - 1770
- Earnings of professions
- Status and Ethos
Politics and Political Reform in the Eighteenth Century
1. The Hanoverian Succession
2. Namier’s analysis
The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III (1929) under the following features:
monarch at the centre of the political stage - little sense of party - sovereign had power to appoint and dismiss ministers at will
ministries were hard to form and harder to maintain. Little Opposition except as various fluctuating political factions
stability only achieved by those who knew how to work the system rather than a steady inexorable rise to a more liberal system
problems of making the `constitution’ work in practice meant that politicians had to be expedient rather than principled. Not much emphasis on ideology
Key to understanding politics was the precise micro analyses of the interests of politicians, the composition of parliament and the workings of patronage
2. Whiggism and a one party ascendancy
core of principles which they upheld:
- -defence of the constitution
- -protection of Protestantism
- -repudiation of Jacobitism
- -support for religious toleration
3 Court v. Country divide
4.What was Jacobitism and how important was it?
absolutism, Catholicism and French imperialism
Tories and Jacobites
5. Rebirth of radical politics
Social base of radicalism
urban middling classes
key changes that stand out are:
- the growth of credit as a means of conducting transactions at all levels of society
- increase in and changing nature of the tax burden in Britain
- growth of statute law, indicative of the permanent role that the legistlature had come to play in govt. after the Revol. of 1688
- credit system and economic instability
- stockjobber and speculator were hated
- found taxation vexing - land tax never provided more than 32% of the total tax revenue - commodity taxes provided over 70%
- also dislike of the growth of the executive and emergence of a spoils system - saw themselves as paying for corruption
- Big Government and Country ideology
- patronage and clientage
- judicial process - statute law
- reform movements of the 1760s and 1770s were committed to on-going accountability in the legislature
- a thriving political culture outside formal govt. by the 1760s
- pamphlets and prints
- coffee houses
Who was Wilkes?
The general warrants and political campaign
founding of a Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights - became the base of the Wilkite movement
strongly committed to reform - for liberty of the press, more frequent elections, removal of placement from the Commons and a more fair and equal representation.
commercialisation of politics
7. Assessment of Wilkes
distinctive political movement
patriotism and little England
mentality of shopkeeper and small trader - no challenge to private property
not a politics of the plebeian orders - natural rights to await American Revolution
WOMEN, PROPERTY AND POLITICS
The Married Women's Property Acts
1857 Matrimonial Causes Act - the first major piece of British legislation to focus attention on the anomalous position of married women under the law - anomaly in the common-law principle of coverture
Divorce - divorce a mensa - was initiated by petition from either husband or wife to ecclesiastical courts - had jurisdiction under canon law - 3 grounds recognized - adultery, sodomy and physical cruelty - procedure cost £300 - £500 when uncontested - if granted relieved the parties from the obligation to cohabit but forbade remarriage by either party - did not end the husband's rights to his wife's property
In the seventeenth century, another form of divorce developed to sidestep Church's ban on remarriage - divorce a vinculo - absolute divorce
When divorce a mensa had been achieved - the man would then bring suit in an ecclesiastical court or a common-law court to bring damages against a correspondent in his wife's adultery. Then he presented a private bill to the House of Lords - this went to the Commons - if successful he would be free to marry again - this also ended the husband's property rights over his wife & his responsibility for her debts. - cost c. £1000
Differences between Scottish & English law - divorce much simpler & less costly in Scotland & men & women could both petition on grounds of infidelity.
2. Carolyn Norton
Upper middle class Caroline Sheridan - granddaughter of Whig playwright Richard Sheridan - married in 1826 to George Norton - a Tory aristocrat younger son - they barely knew each other
He didn't have the fortune her family thought - he became dep. on her literary earnings & her family's Whig connections - he lost his seat in Parliament & she asked Lord Melbourne home secretary to appoint George justice of a magistrate's court at £1,000 a year
A stormy marriage - in 1836 he removed their three children from their London home because Caroline had refused to let George raise money against a trust settled upon her at the time of their marriage - she turned to her family for protection from his physical brutality
She could not get access to her children - she set out to change the law & induced an MP to introduce a bill to give mothers the right to appeal to the Court of Chancery for the custody of their children under seven - she drafted A Plain Letter to the Lord Chancellor on the Infant Custody Bill - Par. passed the Infant Custody Act of 1839 - gave mothers custody of their children under age of seven and access to their children under sixteen.
Before it was passed her youngest son was killed in a riding accident & died before she could reach him - after this she was allowed regular access to her other sons.
Lawsuit then brought by George against Lord Melbourne for criminal conversation - Melbourne then prime minister - asked for £10,000 in damages - the jury returned a verdict against George
1854 - more than a decade of wrangling over custody of children & allowance George had agreed to provide her - Caroline by this time a renowned poet and novelist - her mother died in 1851 leaving her an inheritance of £480 per annum - George then reduced the £500 allowance he had agreed to pay her in a deed of separation they had signed in 1848
Had agreed this in exchange for her willingness to exonerate him from responsibility for her debts & to allow him to raise money against her trust - he broke the agreement claiming he was not legally bound because a man could not contract with the wife who was legally part of him - she then reasoned that if he was not bound to give her an allowance, she was not bound to pay her own debts.
She then allowed a carriage repairman to sue him for non-payment of a bill - led to a trial in Westminster Court in 1853 - he again insinuated indiscretion with Lord Melbourne - the jury found for George on a technicality
Caroline then resorted to the Press - published in the Times, then in two pamphlets on divorce
Wrote English Laws for Women in the Nineteenth Century and Letter to the Queen on Lord Chancellor Cranworth's Marriage and Divorce Bill - in both pamphlets argued that neither Cranworth's bill nor most of the legislators who debated it would acknowledge that men's legal and economic tyranny over women lay at the heart of their idealization of the domestic sphere
But she endorsed the existence of a natural difference between men and women & the natural difference of rights that follows from this.
One of Caroline's most adamant complaints against Lord Cranworth's married women's property bill - that it did now allow separated women to keep whatever money they earned
It looked like there were two laws - one for working class women & one for the wealthier - i.e. separate property
By the mid-nineteenth century, it was seen that with increasing numbers of women in waged work - not right that working class women had no legal protection under common law against their husbands' appropriating their earnings & spending them as they pleased
For middle class men - separate property tied up resource of 'female capital' into cumbersome legal machinery
Great agitation for property reform - one petition with 26,000 signatures - more than 70 petitions in 1856 about women and property - Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon convinced Law Amendment Society to take up the issue of married women's property
The bill presented to the Commons in 1857 by Sir Erskine Perry - proposed: it did not abolish marriage settlements in equity - but provided that women married without such settlements would be femmes sole in regard to property
Purpose of the bill to make married women as capable as unmarried women of acquiring, holding and disposing of property, both real and personal
A lot of resistance to the bill from those making reference to 'strong-minded women'.
Nineteenth-century opposition between property owners and representatives of property - legitimized and explained by what seemed to be its physiological basis - diff. between the sexes
The property bill would have pointed out the artificial nature of the alignment between sex and economic privilege
Threat posed by Caroline Norton threefold
a. In claiming the right to represent herself in this form, Caroline Norton violated the separation of spheres within representation-articulated her emotional plea in legal rhetoric and levied political charges to defend her cause
b. She exposed the extent to which politics and money matters underwrote and undercut her domestic life - & exploded the stable barrier between the public and private spheres - made clear that women were not necessarily protected in exchange for their dependence
c. She raised issue of voluntary separation agreements and independent contracts
Norton could influence Parliament because much of what she said was what lawmakers expected and wanted to hear - i.e. there should be separate spheres & that the sexual double standard was natural and just - she represented a contrast to the 3,000 women who signed the Married Women's Property petition who appeared to legislators to rep. the army of 'strong minded women'
Norton's plea that separated women be granted protection did not violate the principle of female dependence
The divorce legislation addressed the injustice of the separated woman forbidden to keep her own earnings - but it foreclosed discovery of the more subversive issue of married women's autonomy regarding property
Matrimonial Causes Act - did not disturb women's relationship to property or sexual double standard - the act treated the separated wife as an anomalous case as long as she remained separated from her husband she became legally a femme sole - the act preserved the inequality of grounds by which men and women could sue for absolute divorce - men could sue for simple adultery - women only for aggravated adultery i.e. combined with incest, bigamy, or cruelty
Failure of the Married Women's Property bill - idea of married women's property rights posed a greater threat to notion of family unity than did the provisions for divorce itself
A married woman's property law recognized the existence of two separate wills within an ongoing marriage
Some MPs perceived link between the demand for legal rights for married women and the notion that women take part in public life
Fears among some MPs that the bill would give a wife all the distinct rights of citizenship
At the time no organized group was advocating women's suffrage - though see Harriet Taylor's 'Enfranchisement of Women'
By 1860s and 1870s as movement for improving legal status of married women grew - reformers started to emphasise the connection between women's legal subordination to their husbands in marriage and their lack of the vote
Married Women’s Property Act
Not until 1870 - now married women to have as their own separate property - 1. Earnings and property they acquired by their own work after the passage of the Act; money invested; property coming from estates of persons deceased.
Act of 1882 - gave married women the same property rights as unmarried.
Referred to married women’s separate property - bestowed on all unmarried women an equitable marriage settlement
Gave married women rights to enter contracts, sue and be sued and to dispose of her property freely
Women and Sexuality
- Elizabeth Carter
- Fanny Burney
- Elizabeth Montagu
- Mrs. Thrale
- Mrs. Barbauld
- Hannah More
2. Mary Wollstonecraft
Before the Vindication on the Rights of Woman
Thoughts on the Education of Daughters (1786-7)
Vindication of the Rights of Men
reply to Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution
Burke's position on landed property
The condition of women and the values of the whole society
3. Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792)
Readings of the Vindication
civic virtue and rational citizenship
critique of divide between public and private
4. The text
addressing the middling classes
critique of Rousseau
definition of knowledge - denied to women
military virtue and republican motherhood
critique of court culture
5. After Wollstonecraft
Repudiation of Wollstonecraft
William Thompson, Appeal of one Half of the Human Race, Women against the Pretensions of the other Half, Men, to Retain Them in Political, and Thence in Civil and Domestic Slavery; In Reply to a Paragraph of Mr. Mill's Celebrated `Article on Government'. (1825)
Decline of the feminist initiative
Rehabilitation of Mary Wollstonecraft
Barbara Taylor, MaryWollstonecraft 1759-1798' New DNB http://viaoxforddnb.com/articles/10/10893-article.html?back
Barbara Taylor, Mary Wollstonecraft and the Feminist Imagination (2003)
Towns, Politeness and Consumer Culture
P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People, chaps. 1,3,10, 12,13
Collection on Politeness, Transactions of the roya Historical Society, vol. 12 (2002), pp. 263-472
E.A. Wrigley, People, Cities and Wealth, chaps. 6 & 7
Peter Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance, chap. 5,6, 8-11.
P. cornfield, The Impact of English Towns 1700-1800, chaps. 2,5,8
Peter Clark, ed. The CambridgeUrban History of England
G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility, chaps. 1,4
- The middling classes were most closely associated with towns and cities. Towns were the locus for knowledge, refinement and pleasure.
- At the beginning of the eighteenth century 20 to 25 per cent of English people lived in towns of some description
- by 1750 between 15 and 21 percent of the population as a whole lived in towns of over 5,000 people. By 1801 this proportion rose to 27.5 per cent.
- By 1700 it had 11 per cent of the total national population, it was also the largest city in Europe
- the West End was developing rapidly with housing booms in the 1680s, the 1710s and the 1720s. There were 4,000 aristocratic and gentry families living in London in 1700
- There were 4,000 aristocratic and gentry families living in London in 1700, on financial transfers from the country properties; they stimulated the London season,
- Crossing into these groups were London’s big bourgeoisie of merchants, bankers and wholesale traders, probably another 4,000 early in the century.
- An elite group of 12% of the population – below this the middling orders
- There were said to be 170,000 urban middling people in 1700, but 475,000 in 1801
Spa Townsand Seaside Pleasure Towns
- Population 3,000 at the beginning of the 18thC. and 35,000 at the end.
- 12,000 visitors descended on it each season in the middle of the century
Other Spa Towns
- Tunbridge Wells, Beverly, Lichfield, Warwick, Ludlow and Stamford
- Epsom, Buxton, Harrogate, Margate, Cheltenham, Matlock and Lyme Regis held similar attractions for visitors
- Manchester, Liverpool and Birmingham ranked second, third and fourth after London, and other new seats of industry, Leeds, Nottingham and Sheffield and Wolverhampton also ranked among top towns of over 20,000, while Bristol, Newcastle and Norwich were the only older established centres left holding their own with the top players.
- Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool and Leedsquadrupled their populations in the last fifty years of the eighteenth century
- In Scotland, Glasgowgrew nearly as quickly as Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool, rising from 13,000 in 1700 to 24,000 in 1750 and up to 77,000 in 1800
- medium and smaller-scale towns. Towns from Wolverhampton and Leicester to Warrington and Stockportbecame themselves major contenders; the smaller urban centres doubled their populations over the eighteenth century, and grew at more than four times the national aggregate
Growth trends of industrial towns
- They gathered their populations in a long sweep from the late seventeenth century.
- Birmingham Its really rapid period of growth was in the early eighteenth century, and by 1750 it led Manchester and Liverpool with its rise in population to 24,000, from 7,000 at the beginning of the century.
- Birmingham moved rapidly to the forefront of Britain’s consumer goods production. It focussed from early in the century on international, European and colonial markets; its industries were largely export and consumer goods industries. It concentrated on transport and financial links to London and the nation.
- Glasgow, one of those northern rivals, by contrast, grew more rapidly in the latter half of the eighteenth century and in the early nineteenth century. Its middle ranks made up a disproportionately low proportion of its population, in comparison with other British towns; and fewer of these owned luxury goods.
- We can best imagine the dramatic impact made by such towns as Birmingham and Sheffield if we think of the heady reconstruction and re-invention of those same towns over our own last decade.
- twice the size of Birmingham in 1750 with its 50,000 inhabitants, but by 1800 had only grown to 60,000, a mere 80 per cent of Birmingham’s size
- But the town, from early in the eighteenth century, was closely integrated into the wider consumer culture. Those assessed up to 1740 with wealth of £166 or more owned a whole array of consumer goods, and many small shopkeepers and artisans assessed with less than £40 in wealth lived in houses with several rooms, and displayed prints and pictures, chinaware and silver
Exeterand Shrewsbury, Yorkand Chester
- 1790s listed 325 small towns, and over half of these, especially in the West Midlands and the Northwest, had a spectrum of consumer activities.
- Britain’s distinctively high urban population contained a full range of middling-class groups from the extremely wealthy to very vulnerable tradespeople.
- Ubiquitous shops throughout smaller and larger centres - one to every forty inhabitants
- replication of London’s amenities. By the 1760s most of the larger towns were c connected to London by coach, and there was a national network of turnpike roads by 1770.
- Most had a cultural quarter; there were paved streets and rebuilt civic buildings, as well as assembly rooms, coffee houses, enclosed walks and pleasure gardens. Street lighting appeared in Norwich and Bristol after 1700, and other towns followed suit
- The population of many of these towns was young and mobile
- taverns, inns, alehouses and coffee houses, the clubs
- Industrial towns – recent regeneration
- James Bisset – domestic sociability
- Accessible gentility
- Correct decorative goods and dress
Crime and Hanging
1. Urban growth and London
- London had 575,000 in 1700 and 959,000 in 1801 - by 1831 - it rose again to 1.7 million
- it was not only the greatest city of Europe - it was the metropolis
- social relations there were more distant and more casual than elsewhere
- it led the new consumerism - the shop was a normal feature of the scene by the late 17thC.
- Changes in crime and concerns over crime were inevitably linked to this extraordinary urban growth
2. Forms of law enforcement in the 18thC.
How was the law enforced in the eighteenth century?
- early modern London had Houses of Correction which also extended out across the country.
- They were called Bridewells after the Bridewell in London
- watchmen employed by the cities of London and Westminster - & urban parishes of Middlesex - to keep order on the streets at night
- watchhouses as part of the community
- after 7 days imprisonment for vagrancy - beggars removed to their parish of settlement
- Apart from watchmen, constables and beggar catchers - there were Bow Street Runners
- 1792 - Middlesex Justices Act - created 7 police offices in metropolis - each had 3 stipendiary magistrates and 6 constables -
- end of 18thC. - London - substantial body of watchmen & system of detective policing
- not till 1829 -passage of Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police Act - set up centralised police force of 3,000 men under control of Home Secretary
- After apprehension for a crime - there was the trial
- at the Old Bailey in London and at the provincial Assizes elsewhere
- in early period - cases heard in batches of half a dozen before juries retired to consid. Verdicts or just huddled in a corner to decide - trials lasted c. 30 minutes per case -1833 - average trial took 8 ½ minutes
- were very few lawyers at trials at the Old Bailey until 1730s
- lawyers for defence rarely used till late 18thC
- Assizes - took place in county towns - attended with considerable pomp
4. What were these prisons like?
- but for most of the century were squalid and poorly organized
- vagrants with wives, and children in tow mixed in with the prostitutes, thieves and the disorderly
- privations - often lack of food and clothing
- vagrants also meant to perform hard labour
- relief avail. - food provision - rationed at levels well above starvation - sometimes a clothing allowance
- see sharp increase in prison commitments for debt in late 18thC. & 19thC. - great strain on the prison system - were 4,446 in gaols in Eng. & Wales in 1763, but 16, 147 in 1787.
- 3,814 in prison for deb in 1759, but 5,333 debtors in prison in 1769
- big London debtors’ prisons - the King’s bench, the Fleet and the Marshalsea - went with whole series of privileges and amenities
- were many bequests for charities for debtors - were consid. fit objects of charity - assoc. with misfortune - distanced from rigid views of culpability assoc. with ‘modern economic individualism
- consumer culture within the prisons - markets run in there - delivery of meals, ale clothing letters, newspapers etc. - in masters’ prisons - -beer on tap - many rented furniture from local dealers - fostered ties of sociability bet. debtors and provisioners
5. Changing attitudes to crime at the time
- 18thC. - most law enforcement agencies were locally controlled & staffed by amateurs
- Parish policing worked according to perceived needs of the day
- later in the 18thC. Appointment of increasing numbers of active justices
- view that prosecutions were increasing esp. from the later 18thC.
- 1805-15 - felony prosecutions rose by 70% - rose another 75% 1815-20
- were 4,605 prosecutions in 1805 and 18,107 in 1830 - and increase of 300%
- growing sense that crime was a problem to which those offended against should respond actively
- difficult to disentangle criminal statistics - was crime increasing, or was it prosecutions that were increasing, along with the number of indictable and especially capital offences?
- was the law being used to control and discipline recalcitrant workmen - was the criminal law being used in master and servant and petty embezzlement
5.Different historical positions on crime
- Hay, Linebaugh and EP Thompson - social history of the law as an exposure of the cynical uses of the law in defence of privilege, property and profit
- Against this view - Brewer and Styles in An Ungovernable People
- view that an adversarial view of the relation between law and populace is one dimensional and crude
- instead see law as a multiple use right - accessible to middling and poorer if not very poorest people
- Capital punishment or hanging the subject of Vic Gatrell’s fine book, The Hanging Tree
- Not only was there a large increase in prosecutions in the 18thC., but numbers condemned to capital punishment also rose rapidly.
- in London 281 were hung 1701-50 - and five times as many as this 1751-1800
- 35,000 were condemned to death 1770-1830, but most were reprieved & sent to prison hulks or transported to Australia - but still 7,000 were hanged
- hanging in public lasted till 1837 - but not abolished until 1868 happened 8 times a year at Tyburn or Newgate & once or twice a year in most counties
- how could people watch this - but they did - audiences of up to 100,000 claimed in London - 30-40,000 quite often & 3-7,000 common
- there was a big shift in attitudes to capital punishment in the 1830s - the system suddenly collapsed with the Reform Act - 438 sentenced to death in 1837 - 56 in 1839
- Foucault’s analysis - based on power and control
- but Norbert Elias argument- ‘the civilizing process’
- The drama of the public hanging
- Was public hanging so much worse than private hanging?
- The cruel death
- The scaffold ritual and state power
- Debates over capital punishment and rise of the reformed prison
1. Traditional Views of the Enlightenment
French philosophes - Voltaire, Montesquieu and Rousseau. One of its great products was the Encyclopedie of Diderot and D=Alembert
the German philosopher, Immanuel Kant in 1783 in his essay What is Enlightenment?
-motto of the Enlightenment: dare to know
key tenents of such an Enlightenment were reason before faith, the progress of society and the benefit of humanity.
2. Widening of Definitions
-many more countries
Roy Porter's Enlightenments in National Context
-a wide aspect of ideas and culture in the 18thC - political economy to music; politeness and manners to grub street journalism
base line definitions - Roy Porter-there is not much that is left out.
3. Central English Contributions to the Enlightenment
1. The critique of radical religion
Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, John Toland
2. Scientific background
Newton's Principia Mathematica (1687)
Locke's Essay on Human Understanding (1689/90)
Experience, education and gender
3. Moral Philosophy
Shaftesbury - benevolence and sociability
Politeness - Addison and Steele - The Tatler and The Spectator
The Public Sphere and the Enlightenment
Jurgen Habermas - >the public= and the >private= spheres
The middling class and the formation of public opinion
4. English and Continental Divergence
Canonical thinkers not in England
Perry Anderson and EP Thompson
England as a model
Did the English need and Enlightenment?
The 1790s - Thomas Paine and Mary Wollstonecraft
5. The Case of Scotland
David Hume and William Robertson, Adam Smith and Adam Ferguson, Dugald Stewart, Lord Kames and Hugh Blair - and the scientist, Joseph Black - leading Enlightenment writers read and translated all over Europe
- key concern of their writing - the betterment of the human condition in this world regardless of what might be supposed to happen in the next
-political economy, conjectural history, progress of society
What did the English miss out on?
6. Science and Technology
Margaret Jacob in Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West
-scientific culture and >mental capital=of the industrial revolution
-The Knowledge Economy
-An Industrial Enlightenment? - Joel Mokyr
John Smeaton, James Watt, John Rennie and Richard Trevithick - cultural foundations of steam technology.
LECTURE 2 - THE RICH AND THE LAND
1. Agricultural Revolution
Capitalist tenant farmers and landless rural labourers
2. The Brenner debate on the transition from feudalism to
Land as a factor of production
3. Land and power
4. Concentration and Consolidation
The Habakkuk Thesis 1680-1780
b. less favourable conditions
c. encroachment on common rights
6. Chronology of enclosure
7. Land inheritance
inclusion and exclusion
LECTURE 3 - THE POOR AND THE LAND
1. The Structure of rural society and the agricultural interest
Rural society: landlords & tenants, bailiffs, smallholders, cottagers, agricultural labour, clergy, rural tradesmen & craftsmen, rural manufacturers
Seasons in grain growing and pastoral areas
2. The institutions of rural society
The ‘official parish’ and the ‘dark parish’
3. The structures of agricultural labour
Types of agricultural labour
a. Yearly contract labour
b. Unpaid family labour
3. Part-time work, paid by the week or the piece
4. The impact of enclosure
Chambers & Mingay against the Hammonds,
Impact of enclosure on female labour
5. The impact of agricultural change
loss of common rights
6. The impact of 18thC. price rises and Napoleonic Wars
prices rose by 76.3% 1740-50-1785-95
-in the same period real wages declined on average 18.5%
decline in cottage industry
7. Rural protest
8. Poor Relief
The Old Poor Law
Compare to charity on the Continent
LECTURE 4 - A MERCHANT EMPIRE AND THE SLAVE TRADE
1. The role of trade
2. British trade - new trends
- growing demand for exotic products
- increased demand in Europe for British re-exports
- increased demand in the American colonies
3. Geographical distribution of trade
4. The Atlantic economy and the triangular trade
5. Slavery - 1.3 million in the 17th C.
- 5.9 million in the 18th C.
6. Mercantilist policies
LECTURE 5 - WAR AND EMPIRE
1. Mercantilist Policies
-protectionist trade policies
-acquisition of colonies
-acquisition of gold bullion
gold reserves and trade balances
2. The Dutch
3. Navigation Acts from 1660
4. The Navy
5. Century of War
1688-1802 - Britain declared war against foreign powers eight times
enemies - France and Spain
alliances with the Dutch, the Austrians, Russians and Prussians
6. The British way of warfare
1789 - British army - 40,000 Navy - 16,000
1814 - army was 250,000 - Navy - 140,000
-impact of demobilization
Customs duties - tea, sugar, spirits and tobacco
Excise duties - beer, malt, hops, soap, salt, candles and leather
Indirect taxation - socially regressive - middling sort and labour classes
bore disproportionate part of tax burden
9. Types of taxes
Taxes on luxuries
1695 - tax on bachelors, and on births, marriages and deaths
Stamp duties - legal documents, newspapers and financial instruments
Customs duties smuggling
Excise duties rose from 26.1% of total taxes 1696-1700 to 50.6% in 1751-5
10. National debt
borrowing to meet costs of war
Long term loans and capacity to levy taxes related - the funding system - repayment of loans linked to specific taxes
Government stock and the Stock Exchange
Corruption and the national debt
Rise of the income tax
11. Colonies and Colonial policy
British trade policy in the East
Bengal 1757 -East India Company - revenues rose from nothing before 1757 to ,7.5 mil. in 1766-9
12. War and patriotism
LECTURE 6 - THE TRADES AND INDUSTRY
1. How was industry organized during the eighteenth century?
Factory system or workshops and cottage production
J.H. Clapham (1930) – ancient and transitional types of industrial organization
Kentish iron; Birmingham brass and copper
Plural manufacturing structures
Artisan values and resistance to mechanization
2.Craft to Factory - myths
Dichotomies between pre-industrial and industrial societies
Hierarchical division of labour
Industrial society – wage dependency, proletarians
Pre-industrial society – master and servant, moral economy
wage dependency – mining and ironmaking
- labourers, cottagers and paupers – 47% of entire population
- 60% of 17thC. labourers were engaged in by-employments
- industrial labour force swelling the countryside
- manufacturing towns – 37.3% of total urban population in 1750;
50% in 1801
4.Hierarchies of Labour
Freedoms and unfreedoms
Slave trade – 1807 legislation against the slave trade
Servants & pauper apprentices
- Masters and servants legislation
5. Organised and Unorganized Trades
Organized trades – artisan enterprises and differentiation
Unorganized trades – new industries
6. London Trades – Embezzlement
division of labour and unemployment
watchmaking in Clerkenwell
goldsmiths and silversmiths
shoemaking – Clicking Act of 1723
hatters – 1732 – Hat Act
tailors – Combination Act
7. Attempts to Control the Labour Market
independence and respectability
trade - skill
8. Artisan institutions
a. friendly Societies
b. Houses of call
c. Tramping system
Public house; trade societies keeping members off the parish; control of time; pace of work
9. Factory and Machinery
factory and control over labour and pace of work
factories and unfree labour
LECTURE 7 – COMMODITIES AND CONSUMERS
1. Theories of Consumption
- Emulation – Simmel; McKendrick
- Taste and Status – Bourdieu
- Civility and Politeness – Norbert Elias
- Industrious Revolution – Jan de Vries
2. Foreign Trade and Home Demand
3. Asian Luxuries and British Markets
- Calicoes and Silks
- Lacquer Ware
4. Middling Class Consumption
- From Luxury to “Politeness”
5.. A British Product Revolution
- Glassware and Ceramics
- Cutlery and Metal ornament
- Ornament and Collectables
6. Advertising and Shopping
7. A Nation of Shoppers
- British brands and Selling abroad
A New Labour Force - Women and Industry
1.Consumer Industries and their labour forces.
The new products of the eighteenth century were produced in new ways and by new labour forces in order to do so.
The whole range of new products we see appearing in the eighteenth century - from fashionable cotton textiles to fine ceramics and glassware, and new metal ornament and mechanical gadgetswere all products of new technologies, new ways of working and new labour forces - and those new labour forces were fundamentally those of women and children
2. New Labour Forces in Present-day China
Look at the new labour forces in present-day Chinese cities. Qiuautou in Zhejiang province, once a small community, is now the global capital of buttons and zips.
And the workforce of most of these new factories is young women.
3. How was the Consumer Revolution of the Eighteenth Century produced.
We do not know precisely how many such women and children were employed because at the aggregate and national level occupational data was only collected for men. The census did not start systematically to record women’s occupations until 1851.
4. The Supply of Women’s Labour
Demographic research indicates that there were higher proportions of women and children in the eighteenth century population than there had been previously. Children aged 5-14 made up one quarter of the population in the 1820s. Gender rations were skewed towards women for much of the 17th and 18th Centuries
5. New Manufacturing and the Demand for Women’s Labour
The textile industries formed the largest manufacturing sector in the 18thC. - and women dominated all its major branches
The cotton factory labour force of 1818 showed that women accounted for a little over half the workforce, and children a substantial proportion.
In Scotland, these proportions were even more marked. Women and girls made up 61 per cent of the workforce in Scottish cotton mills
Other Textile Industries
Metalwares and earthenware
6. Why were women employed in high tech. industries
To sum up we see a concentration of women and young workers in high-productivity branches of manufacture - textiles, potteries and metal goods.
Protoindustrial manufactures had female workforces exceeding male by four and even eight to one.
Why was this the case at a time when there was so much disguised and real unemployment among male workers in the manufacturing sector?
The usual reason given for the employment of women rather than men in industry is cheap labour.
It was not wages which determined the gender divide - but the organizational and technological attributes of a women’s workforce
7. Women and technology
this division of labour - introduced at the outset of industrialization did not cause women’s low wages and inferior status
-the division of labour instead was an effect of the social hierarchy prevailing at the time - women’s tasks were considered to be inferior only because they had been consigned to women.
Women’s wages and household subsistence
Horrell and Humphries ‘Old Questions, New Data and Alternative Perspecties: Families’ Living Standards in the Industrial Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, vol. 52, no. 4, 1992
9. The Impact of Mechanisation
While in some cases mechanisation, when introduced, brought with it a new female workforce - in many other cases the mechanisation displaced much more women’s work.
We do not have sufficient quantitative evidence to resolve the problem of just what impact mechanisation had on women’s work
current estimates of value added in industry show that the place of the new sectors was not large enough to absorb the numbers of women displaced in agriculture and domestic spinning
10. Conclusion - an 18thC. Labour Force
This female and child labour force was uniquely an 18thC. Workforce - in terms of their proportionate contribution to the manufacturing labour force. Women workers played a greater part over the whole course of the eighteenth century than they had done previously, and were to do in the later stages of industrialisation.
The Electoral System
- Contested Elections 1701-1715
- Contested Elections 1761-1831
- Franchise before 1832
- The Electorate
- Changes in the distribution of seats in 1832
- Voting qualifications after 1832
- Numbers voting 1826-1835
English counties: Uniform qualification, those possessing a 40 shilling freehold could vote. ‘Freehold’ included leases for lives, annuities, rents and mortgages on freehold property; ecclesiastical benefices and appointments in government service. There were 40 counties.
County boroughs: cities like Lincoln and Hull which had county status conferred upon them and thus the franchise was a 40 shilling freehold
Inhabitant boroughs: 55, where any resident could vote. Included scot and lot boroughs where those who paid the poor rate could vote and ‘potwalloper’ boroughs where anyone resident for the last 6 months and not a charge on the poor rate could vote
Burgage boroughs: 41 where the possession of a piece of property known as a ‘burgage’ entitled you to vote
Corporation boroughs: 19 where only members of a corporation possessed the vote
Freemen boroughs: 100 where all freemen could vote
University boroughs: Oxford and Cambridge universities also returned 2 MPs each, Doctors and Masters of Arts could vote
Wales: 12 one member counties and 12 one member boroughs. The county franchise was 40 shilling freehold. The boroughs were divided into 1 corporation borough; 9 freemen boroughs and 2 inhabitant boroughs, with electorates ranging from 80-2000
Scotland: joined the English system after the Act of Union in 1707. Were 30 one member counties and 15 burghs returning one Member each. In counties the qualification was based on the ‘old extent’ - land worth £70 or £130 per annum. In burghs there was a method of indirect election. Voters at the first stage were members of the self electing burgh corporations
Ireland: The Irish constituencies consisted of 32 two member counties, 2 2 member boroughs - Cork and Dublin, 31 one member boroughs and the university seat of Trinity College, Dublin returning a total of 100 MPs. The Irish system dated, like the Scottish organisation from the Act of Union, 1801 which abolished the old Irish boroughs and counties and reformed them.
Plumb gives an estimate of 200,000 voters in William IIIs reign to around 250,000 by 1715, although Holmes demonstrates that this was done by measuring the number of people who actually voted rather than those entitled to vote, thus the total electorate was probably 340,000 by 1715. This gives a total of 1 in 4 adult males. Growth was achieved by an increase in 40 shilling freeholders because of inflation and artificial means of increasing the vote. Although there were geographical anomalies the population was more fairly represented than later in the century. The Triennial Act of 1694 ensured there were contests on average every 2 years and the number of contests was never lower than 85 with only 30 seats having no contests between 1691 and 1715
55 boroughs returning 2 MPs -110
Higham Ferrers -1
30 boroughs deprived of 1 MP -30
Weymouth and Melcombe Regis return 2 MPs not 4 -2
22 boroughs to return 2 MPs +44
19 boroughs to return 1 MP +19
26 counties divided, each returning 2 MPs +52
Yorkshire split into 3, each returning 2 MPs +2
rather than 4 for the whole county
Isle of Wight made a county with 1 MP +1
7 counties to return 3 MPs +7
Net reduction in English seats 18
3 counties given an additional MP +3
2 new boroughs enfranchised +2
Additional MPs for Edinburgh and Glasgow +2
Perth, Aberdeen and Dundee to return 1 MP +3
Paisley, Greenock and Leith to return 1 MP +3
Additional MPs for Belfast, Dublin University, +5
Galway, Limerick and Waterford
Net increase 18
1. 40 shilling freeholders
2. £10 freeholders
3. £10 copyholders
4. Tenants with a yearly rent of £50
5. Leaseholders for 60 years at clear yearly value of £10
6. Leaseholders for 20 years at clear yearly value of £50
7. Freehold mortgagees with a clear yearly value of £10
8. Leasehold mortgagees with a clear yearly value of £10
9. Trustees in receipt of requisite rents
10. Beneficed clergymen
11. Annuitants from freehold or copyhold
12. Holders of life offices with emoluments arising out of lands worth at least 40 shillings
13. Purchasers of redeemed land tax worth at least 40 shillings
14. Irremovable schoolmasters, parish clerks and sextons
15. Proprietors of tithes and rent charges worth at least 40 shillings
16. Joint tenants whose separate interests amounted to 40 shillings freehold or £10 leasehold
17. Owners of shares in mines, rivers, canals, fairs, markets etc.
NB. No person could vote in a county in respect of property which would confer on him a qualification to vote for a borough; but a freehold in a borough of the annual value of 40 shillings and under £10 entitled the owner to vote for the county. If a property was above £10 and occupied by a tenant, the tenant could vote for the county.
1. The ancient franchise holders in boroughs not disenfranchised if their qualifications existed on the last day of July in the year for which they claimed, and if they had resided for 6 months in the borough or within 7 miles, and their names were on the register.
2. Occupiers, either as owners or tenants of any house, warehouse, counting house, shop or other building, either with or without land, of the clear yearly value of £10 within the borough, providing they had been in possession 12 calendar months prior to the last day of July in the year of the claim and had paid before the 20th July all the poor rates and assessed taxes payable from them in respect of the premises previous to the April preceding.
3. Lodgers if sharing with other lodgers and the value divided by the number of lodgers came to £10 each
1. Persons possessed of franchise before 1831, or who would have possessed it - tenants in chief of the Crown with lands of 40 shillings (old extent) or of £400 Scotch valued rent
2. Owners of land of £10 annual value
3. 57 years leaseholders and life holders with a clear £10 annual value
4. 19 years leaseholders with a clear £10 annual value
5. Yearly tenants at a £50 rent
6. All tenants whose interest cost them £300
Scotch cities, burghs and contributory districts
1. Occupiers of houses of £10 annual value with non-resident true owners
2. Husbands jure uxoris after the deaths of their wives
1. £10 freeholders
2. Leaseholders for lives and copyholders of estates of £10
3. 60 years leaseholders and their assignees of estates of the same value
4. 14 years leaseholders of £20 estates
Irish cities and boroughs
1. £10 occupiers
2. Resident freemen if admitted before March 1831
1826 1830 1831 1832 1835
106,397 88,216 74,638 390,700 272,946