A researcher was distraught to hear that a professor that she knows in Belarus had been sacked for their political views. In this guest blog, she draws on her interview with the professor to throw light on the situation for scholars still working in Belarus, and the implications it has for the country’s future.

 

Ruta Skriptaite

University of Nottingham

 

Abrupt dismissal

This spring I received distressing news from a professor in Belarus. They had been dismissed from their senior position at a university to which they had dedicated over three decades of their life. We met for an interview to reflect on the matter as well as its broader implications. The professor described the incident as rather abrupt and without prior warning; they saw it as something that was politically driven. The university management showed little regard towards their academic merit and contributions to their field, illustrating that the regime and its loyalists’ priorities lie in compliance and ideology rather than in progress and freedom of expression. The professor described the incident as follows:

Approximately a month before my tenure was due for a renewal [in Belarusian universities it gets renewed every five years] I was interviewed by a KGB man who came and summoned me to the office of the Vice Rector. [...] They discovered my internet search history in which there were independent media, but I told them that I didn't store anything, I wasn't subscribed. I don't store this information, just read it - this is not prohibited. Besides, they found some traces of bots from Ukrainian services. I said, “Yes, I was subscribed to a Ukrainian Telegram channel, but as soon as it was declared extremist, I unsubscribed immediately.” But bots have the tendency to remain in the list of the blocked ones. [...] I don't know, maybe I convinced them, but then they also told me that there have been reports coming from other universities, from other people, that I sometimes openly expressed my political opinion. Of course they did not reveal the sources. But they said: “You often wore red and white clothes and you behaved in a way that it was evident that you support the opposition [...]”. They interrogated me for about an hour and a half. Actually, it was stupid to deny this because… it's childish – “Yes,” I said, “this is my position, which I try not to air or explicitly show in public. Even if I did, it was probably among some colleagues, not a wide audience”.

Well, after that, a month later, on the very day that my tenure was to end they had a meeting of the Special Commission [...]. I had the right to be there too, but they didn't invite me specifically. Specifically, didn't invite me so that I couldn't say anything in my defence. The head of my department read out the report about my achievements [...] I have been in charge of research projects - two research projects with state funding. Of course, I also taught a great number of different courses. Many of them were original. No one else teaches them and they haven't found a substitute to this very day to teach, say [redacted]. So, there is no one to teach this course at the moment. I had five PhD students to supervise. They hoped they would find a substitute, but they haven't.

[...] I have never had any reprimand in my employment record book, there's nothing that would show that I have some negative things. I only had awards. From the government, from the ministry, and so on. [...] So, if we take the scales and we take the accumulated merits and then what they said, evidently, the most important thing for them was my political opinion [...]. So, the next day the decision was announced. I was invited to the Rector's office in the presence of two Vice Rectors who announced the decision of the committee and suggested that I might take up an hourly paid job. I refused because this is just nothing. It's peanuts in terms of money and, of course, in terms of reputation. And so, the next day the order was issued saying that “this person hasn't received the approval of the majority of the Competition committee. And well, this is an order of dismissal”.

 

What can be done?

The ongoing repression against academia contributes to the broader issue of a brain drain in Belarus. The political nature of the exodus has been emphasised by the UN. According to its Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Belarus, Anaïs Marin: ‘Reprisals and persecutions undermine the safe exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the territory of Belarus.’ As we observe the crumbling Belarusian education system becoming yet another testament to the perils of uncontrollable personalist rule and blind reliance on ideology, is there anything to be done? The professor, although expressing appreciation for the support of the international community, calls for more direct action.

Last year I participated in [redacted] conference in [redacted British university] and I was accepted to take part as a speaker, with generous support because they exempted me from paying the fee, which was quite high [...] And one thing they did - they didn't mention the institution I was affiliated with - only my name. [...] But in fact only myself and probably the members of this research community noticed this. It was nothing to the administration of the Belarusian institution. They were not aware of it, and there was no effect.

What international academia or the international community could do, perhaps, is to communicate more directly to the administrations of all institutions in the Republic of Belarus where both students were expelled and teachers were sacked. Because just writing articles, writing in the international newspapers, in magazines does not affect the government in any way. [...] because some Vice Rectors continue going abroad - going to Lithuania, to the Baltic republics without any problem. [...] They were members of those commissions and boards that repressed their colleagues. They should not be invited to any European symposia or events related to academic administration and methodological conferences. [...] So, in my opinion, it probably would be much more effective if the international community, even some educational authorities, educational boards, European educational boards, British educational boards came together and started writing letters in support of those who were dismissed. Demanding restoration of people in their working place. [...] It may be just a little drop in the sea, but still, it will be a visible document. [...]

By directly communicating with the institutions of Belarusian academia I mean that open addresses, collectively or individually drafted by world universities should be forwarded to the administrations of Belarusian universities, while also publishing these addresses in media. The content of the open addresses may, among other things, include reminders of unlawful policies where students are expelled and teachers fired. The effect is hard to foresee, but if such open and targeted communication takes place it becomes impossible for the repressive administrations to keep their actions secret. Well, this is the central and painful issue of the whole system of repression in the country. And, as I said, if we knew how to deal with this, the world would not have dictatorships whatsoever....

Already there are lots of programmes that offer support, scholarships and grants to Belarusian repressed scholars. [...] But, of course, they cannot accommodate all the repressed academics. [...] But what is possible, of course, is to support them with some programmes, with at least temporary research projects. Well, that's what I can think of because this is part of the larger issue. Yes, this is an integral part of the larger political problem, and addressing this alone won’t help as such, but I'm pretty much convinced that direct communication is necessary, not just something abstract.

 

The crackdown on the higher education system in Belarus, leading to a growing lack of specialists and thus deteriorating quality of teaching and research, although a soaring issue on its own, is also a part of a larger problem. An effective long terms solution requires rooting out its cause – the undemocratic personalistic thirty-year-long dictatorial regime of Aliaksandr Lukashenka. Although, the international community has been active in ‘extinguishing the smaller fires’ and providing Belarusian academics forced out of their positions with short-term solutions, more direct action is needed. As pointed out by the professor, academic managers who carried out repressive actions against their peers and subordinates should not be free of the consequences of their actions.

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